• Informatization Policy
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.3-16
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• 2017

With the development of social media services in the era of Web 2.0, the public opinion formation site has been partially shifted from the traditional mass media to social media. This phenomenon is continuing to expand, and public opinions on government polices created and shared on social media are attracting more attention. It is particularly important to grasp public opinions in policy formulation because setting up educational policies involves a variety of stakeholders and conflicts. The purpose of this study is to explore public opinions about education-related policies through an empirical analysis of social media documents on education policies using opinion mining techniques. For this purpose, we collected the education policy-related documents by keyword, which were produced by users through the social media service, tokenized and extracted sentimental qualities of the documents, and scored the qualities using sentiment dictionaries to find out public preferences for specific education policies. As a result, a lot of negative public opinions were found regarding the smart education policies that use the keywords of digital textbooks and e-learning; while the software education policies using coding education and computer thinking as the keywords had more positive opinions. In addition, the general policies having the keywords of free school terms and creative personality education showed more negative public opinions. As much as 20% of the documents were unable to extract sentiments from, signifying that there are still a certain share of blog posts or tweets that do not reflect the writers' opinions.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.7-25
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• 2011

The purpose of this paper is to start off a debate in the current situation in which there exists two different logics about a newspaper company expanding their business field to the broadcasting market. In order to analyze the implications of the phenomenon, three points are raised and analyzed. First, Chosun-Ilbo, Jungang-Ilbo and Donga-Ilbo, who had a permission to get into the broadcasting arena, did not make their logic based on the fact while deriving the public opinion to be optimistic. Second, they strictly held their frames in order to support their logics which were an overall deregulation, to stimulate the economy and to create jobs without introducing various perspectives. Third, broadcasting of three major newspaper companies could monopolize the public sphere rather than contributing to the diversity of public opinions against three existing broadcasting companies KBS, MBC, SBS.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.194-218
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• 2011

Focusing on the individuals' structural positions and roles in the internet discussion network, this research explores whether and how the opinion leaders' network characteristics are associated with the message quality and interpersonal influence in terms of attention-drawing and response-generation, which prior studies often failed to fully explicate. Findings suggest that discussion participants with high message quality occupy more central positions in the discussion network, thus enjoy more attention and responses of other following participants. However, opinion leader's network centralities, which tap the structural positions and unique roles in the online discussion network, systematically mediate the effect of the message quality on interpersonal influence. Moreover, significant interaction between opinion perception and network centrality was found only on the majority opinion group, rendering the entire discussion structure toward more enclaved deliberation and group polarization. Taken together, the results imply that the influence of the online opinion leader can only be substantiated with participant's central positions in the discussion network, which has been ignored by the prior opinion leadership research.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.139-149
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• 2014

This study attempts to explore the inter-media agenda setting effect between television and Twitter based on the framework of the two-step flow theory. Twitter's increasingly important role in political communication can be effectively addressed by examining the process by which Twitter users form their opinions on television debate program. Content analyses of Twitter discussions after television debate of the Korean presidential candidates provided interesting insights into how Twitter's opinion leaders reflect on the televised debates. The results show that Twitter mentions rather focus on personality traits of the candidates while television debates emphasize the candiates' policy issues. Specifically, Twitter users mainly concentrated on the political ideology and morality of the candidates. In sum, Twitter seems to have its own way of influencing the public opinion separately from the television.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.53-63
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• 2018

The traditional mass media function of conveying information and forming public opinion has rapidly changed into an environment in which information and opinions are shared through social media with the development of ICT technology, and such social media further strengthens its influence. In other words, it has been confirmed that the influence of the public opinion through the production and sharing of public opinion on political, social and economic changes is increasing, and this change is already in use on the political campaign. In addition, efforts to grasp and reflect the opinions of the public by utilizing social media are being actively carried out not only in the political area but also in the public area. The purpose of this study is to explore the possibility of using social media based public opinion in educational policy. We collected media data, analyzed the main topic and probability of occurrence of each topic, and topic trends. As a result, we were able to catch the main interest of the public(the 'Domestic Computer Education Time' accounted for 43.99%, and 'Prime Project Selection' topics was 36.81% and 'Artificial Intelligence Program' topics was 7.94%). In addition, we could get a suggestion that flexible policies should be established according to the timing of the curriculum and the subject of the policy even if the category of the policy is same.

• Survey Research
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2011

The purposes of the present study were to analyze correlation of vote behavior and attitude and vote intention in the pre-survey, and to investigate the efficient method of predicting the voting result from the pre-surveys. The previous attitude is measured by the support for the candidate, political self-confidence, self-efficacy and opinion on present issues. The vote intention is surveyed by the past election participation and degree of election interest. Real voting behavior is surveyed by the post enumeration, and the pre-survey and both post-survey are conducted to the same person to analyze the correlation of voting behavior and pre-survey. The real election participation is highly correlated with vote intention, election interest and past election participation. Almost respondents did not change the supporting candidate from the poll survey to the election vote. It is shown that the voting behavior at election of the nonrespondent of pre-survey can be predicted with the demographic charater and attitude of present issues.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.19 no.8
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• pp.1471-1480
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• 2018

This study explored what the phenomenon of 'Chinmokjil(Socializing Behavior)', which online community is seriously wary of, implies and actually affects the online community. Interviews were conducted for 13 people who had experienced Chinmokjil in online communities, and the results were analyzed by qualitative analysis. First, Chinmokjil is conceptualized as 'privatization or privately organizing of online community' Second, the actual phenomenons of Chinmokjil are sub-categorized as 8 categories Third, the ultimate negative impacts of Chinmokjil are sub-categorized as 3 categories. Based on the results, it can be explained that the unique norms of communities in online are different from those in offline.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.145-156
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• 2011

The study is to analyze voting behaviors revealed through the June 2 local elections, and to learn their implications by exploring and comparing the main factors that influence how to recognize and select a candidate. To achieve this, in-depth interviews have been conducted focusing on those who voted in the last election. The analysis shows that most respondents regard their political tendencies as moderate and make decisions on whom to vote for 2 to 3 days prior to election. It also indicates that what party candidates belong to is the highest motivation in deciding for whom to vote and they generally vote as they believe. According to the study, not only do the poll's results hardly affect their choice of candidates, but also the polls turn out significantly different from the actual results. The great gap between the polls and the actual outcome signifies that how to conduct a poll is wrong and people intend to conceal their opinions. While the media has had a decisive effect on the image of candidates, it is through promotional materials for political campaigns that the candidates' policy is recognized. The study also says that the Four-River is the most influential political issue in election. The study identifies voters' behavior specifically and in depth, and suggests some lessons to make use of for the future elections.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.628-644
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• 2021

The main purpose of this study is to search for variables that influence the perception of news of YouTube current affairs and political channel users. Existing studies have focused on providing normative criticism by examining the public opinion influence of YouTube channels, which play a role similar to the media, in terms of political polarization, fake news, and confirmation bias. However, this study attempts to examine the changes and meanings of users' perception of news with the advent of YouTube. To this end, an online survey was conducted for users with experience in using YouTube's current affairs and political channels. As a result of the study, it was found that the news perception of YouTube current affairs and political channel users was mixed with the perception of news from the perspective of professional journalism and the perception of newly added news in the digital environment. Based on these results, the researcher examined the implications of the professional news media's response direction to the platform environment.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.209-239
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• 2006

본 연구는 총부양비를 최소화하는 적정인구성장률을 인구학적 부양비와 경제적 부양비로 나누어 계산하구 그것이 무엇을 의미하가를 연구하는 것이 목적이다. 이 연구를 위하여 연구모형을 제시하고, 합계출산율과 적정인구성장률의 관계를 명시하며, 그것이 궁극적으로 적정인구 규모에 어떤 의미를 갖는가를 탐색한다. 인구학적 부양비를 최소화하는 인구성장률은 $-0.03%{\sim}0.15%$의 범위에 있으며, 그것은 합계 출산율로는 $2.1{\sim}2.2$명에 해당한다. 경제적 부양비를 최소화하는 인구성장률은 유년층과 노년층의 상대적 개인 소비비중에 따라 인구성장률과 그것이 함의하는 합계출산율은 달라진다. 예컨대, $u_1:u_3=2:1$일 때 적정인구성장률은 $-1.17{\sim}-0.93%$, 그것이 함의하는 합계출산율은 $1.5{\sim}1.6$명이다. 한편 유년층 대비 노년층의 상대적 소비비중이 증가하는 경우에는 적정인구성장율이 높아져야 한다. 예컨대 $u_1:u_2=1:1.2$일 때 적정인구성장률은 $0.42{\sim}0.45%$이고, 그것이 함의하는 합계출산율은 $2.3{\sim}2.4$명이다. 본 연구에서 적정인구추계를 위한 기초 여론조사에 따라 진행된 상대적 소비비중을 계산한 결과에 따르면, 유년층과 노년층의 상대적 개인 소비비중은 $u_1:u_2=1.25:1$이며, 이에 따른 현재의 상황에서 한국의 적정출산율은 $1.9{\sim}2.0$명 수준으로, 이에 해당하는 적정인구성장률은 대략 약간의 네거티브 성장을 하는 경우라고 할 수 있을 것이다.