• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.39
• /
• pp.69-101
• /
• 2007

Some clauses of the prior review rules for broadcasting commercials, which are enforced by the Broadcasting Act violate the right to free speech guaranteed by the Constitution. The range of prohibited expression under the clauses are too vague and overbroad to distinguish between permissible and impermissible broadcasting commercials. The clauses also fail to pass the constitutional principle that restrict government from excessive regulation on constitutional rights. The principle has a four-pronged test on the government action; 1) the validity of its goal; 2) availability of appropriate means; 3) necessity of infringement; 4) and balancing test of interests. Some clauses of the prior review rules that forbid expressions on sensitive political and cultural issues fail to pass none of the four-pronged standards.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.23
• /
• pp.47-77
• /
• 2003

Despite the near ubiquity of mobile phone and internet, the 'meta research' that deals with face-to-face(FTF), mobile phone and internet together as interpersonal media is very rare in Korea. This study begin with the purpose of fair repositioning of mobile phone and internet in Korean's interpersonal communication horizon. To accomplish this purpose, We examined the effect of face-to-face communication situation on uses of mobile phone and internet as interpersonal communication media. The related raw data were collected from on-line survey process, and statistically analyzed. The result showed that persons who are more troublesome in FTF communication because of their timidness or personality problem are more restricted in human communication network via mobile phone and internet than the others who are not. And more 'addicted' in internet use and more active in trying another personality(Persona) in cyber space. And more shrunk in meeting and conversation with family members and friends after internet adoption.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.46
• /
• pp.9-36
• /
• 2009

In a competitive media environment, Internet Protocol television (IPTV) has gained appeal because of its essential characteristics, 'Internet and Interactivity'. Our study aims to explore predictors that affect IPTV-VOD adoption within the context of competing media (i.e., existing multi-channel video programming services, such as cable television and digital broadcasting satellite services). In addition, this study examines if IPTV-VOD functions as a substitute for existing multi-channel services, such as cable television and direct broadcasting satellite services. A self-report survey through face-to-face interviews was conducted in Seoul metropolitan area and other six big cities. Our findings showed that primary factors for adopting an IPTV-VOD are: age of user, subjective importance of terrestial broadcasting services, real-time terrestrial broadcasting services, and other interactive service characteristics, such as time-shifting. Also, IPTV-VOD services were found to be a substitute for existing multi-channel video programming services.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.39
• /
• pp.7-39
• /
• 2007

This study tried to revaluate the Erasure of Japanese National Flag in Dong-A Ilbo. In spite of its historical significance, this event was not explored thoroughly by researchers. While it was known as Chosunjoongang-Ilbo erased the Japanese National Flag earlier than Dong-A Ilbo on August 13 1936, but this study found out that Dong-A Ilbo erased the Japanese National Flag in the local morning edition of the same day. With the victory of Kijeong Son in the Berlin Olympic Marathon the nationalistic coverage of Dong-A Ilbo seemed to be revived. And this change caused the severe suppression by the colonial Japanese government. The government intended to eliminate the influences of Seongsu Kim and Jinwoo Song to make Dong-A Ilbo more cooperative partner. But because the intention of the government was not acceptable to two men, Dong-A Ilbo posed a noncooperative stance. This resulted in the longest suspension over 9 months. Finally with the change of stance to a compromising one, Dong-A Ilbo could be released from the longest suspension on June 3rd, 1937.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.66
• /
• pp.242-272
• /
• 2014

This study examines why follow-up investigative programs about the sinking of the Cheonan Patrol Combat Corvette(ROKS Cheonan) have not been produced, despite much speculation surrounding the cause of the sinking since November 2010, when KBS investigative program, In-Depth 60 Minutes which had covered the incident was aired. We have uncovered four reasons through a series of in-depth interviews with producers and reporters, as follows. First, Korean military authorities monopolized relevant information, while the producers could not prove or confirm the validity of the findings of the JIG(Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group)'s report because the facts had been revealed partially and selectively by the authorities and the press' scientific investigation were rejected by the authorities. Second, the crew of In-Depth 60 Minutes was subjected to severe disciplinary action by the Korea Communications Commission. This caused a chilling effect, - it broke the producers' resolve to further explore the reason behind the sinking. Furthermore, the screening of the investigative documentary, Project Cheonan Ship was cancelled without prior notice, presumably by the power of the State and markets. Third, the reorganization and shake-up of personnel by broadcasting stations' presidents appointed by the power of the State crushed the spirit of PD Journalism. Finally, the "red purge" factions stigmatized by the political or military, or the mainstream press, caused the producers or broadcasters to engage in self-censorship. The idea has been used in Korea as a smoke screen to deflect public attention. Nevertheless, the producers hope to shed light on the Cheonan sinking incident and to prove reasonable doubts by pursuing follow-up investigations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.39
• /
• pp.250-283
• /
• 2007

The Shinmoongo (Shinmoon-drum) system is known as the last means of petition, appeal, and, denunciation during the Chosun dynasty. The purpose of this study is first to examine the system's origin and changes of its function and operation. The study further looks at several issues around the striking gong system, an alternative appealing method, and its background and transition. Introduced by King Taejong, the Shinmoongo was a kind of the press (or communication) system which was intended to deliver various cases of personal appeal, social petition, national denunciation, etc. Since the 2nd year of King Sejong, the system had been changed into the legal system which mainly to settle personal mortifying problem. Originally, the system was institutionalized for the common people who were hard to appeal their mortifying affairs to the supervisory administration. This reporting system to a superior was utilized as an institutional device to remedy abuses from 'complaint to the King near his sedan chair' and 'direct complaint out of order' during the early disordered years of Chosun dynasty. The system was often abused for the devices of private interest by illustrious officials. Meanwhile, it carried out a role of checking power abuses of provincial governors and magistrates. There were many obstacles for the common people and lowly people to turn to the means. The drum was located at the palace of capitol, less accessible for most people at the time. The petition had to be processed through several steps in written forms. The punishment on a false drummer was heavy. It inhibited any appeal concerning the superior under the rigorous caste system. The Shinmoongo system is regarded as a legitimate press system. Also, it is taken as informal or semi-official press system such as 'document to send around', 'document for agitation', 'joint petition', 'striking gong to complain', 'complaint to the King near his sedan chair', 'scream to complain', etc. Connecting together, the tools resulted in the increase of regal power and decrease of divine authority.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.58
• /
• pp.7-30
• /
• 2012

The advent of Social Journalism coincided with the rise of social media to create and deliver news information; as a type of civic journalism, social journalism may be characterized as a new form of information gathering and news reporting which is fed by citizens creating news information through their use social networking services (SNSs). The current study analyzed a Facebook page called, to determine how this page was utilized during the onset of the citizen movement for the Egyptian democratic revolution to produce news, to facilitate interaction among the public and to deliver the news under the form of networked journalism. Each post uploaded onto the Facebook page from January 27 till February 2, 2011 was coded in its category, content and the contextual frame of the news. The results of the study showed that during the first week, straight news rather than those with opinions was produced most frequently. The research findings of the current study suggest that in a society of political turmoil, such as in Egypt and other Arabic countries, when the institutionalized media are controlled severely by the government or other forces, SNSs can perform journalistic media roles which create and distribute news information representing facts and reality, and simultaneously facilitate the public's interactions on social and political issues.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.157-196
• /
• 2018

This study analyzes non-standard workers' attitudes and behaviors towards standard workers' strikes using the case of a joint strike held by journalists at KBS and MBC in 2012. Tracing the process since 2008 by which a conservative government has tried to control the press and regular journalists have collectively resisted against it, we put our analytical focus on two major groups of freelance broadcast professionals: independent producers and writers in current affairs. Specifically, we examine 1) how they perceived and responded to a series of regular journalists' struggle to protect journalistic value, 2) how such perception of and response to regular journalists could be developed, and 3) how (de)solidarity could form and then deepened between freelance and regular journalists in the 2012 Media Strike. Our findings show that the ways in which regular journalists had controlled freelance journalists at work affected the relationship between class-based and occupation-based rationality freelance journalists held in their minds. Independent producers, who had developed a strong class-based rationality in response to the coercive input-output control, showed cynicism about regular journalists' strike pointing out their hypocrisy and contradiction. In contrast, freelance writers accommodated and joined the strike by regular workers in the spirit of solidarity based on occupational rationality which had developed from normative, process control. Our paper ends with theoretical and practical implications.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.32
• /
• pp.209-245
• /
• 2006

This study examines primarily the effects of perceived risk and scarcity massage on consumers in CATV homeshopping. For consumers, the perceived risk is the cause of delaying purchase decision in CATV Homeshopping while scarcity message in the Ad facilitate purchasing intention in the CATV homeshopping. And another important characteristic of consumer which exerts impact on the response of consumer to the Ad and the product is the frequency of purchasing experience. Thus the purpose of this study is to test the effect of 3 factors on consumer's response to homeshopping Ad and product: one is perceived risk, another is scarcity message and the third is consumer's difference in purchasing. And these are defined as independent variables. The responses of the consumer, the dependent variables of this test are measured in three dimensions; 1) the purchasing intention of the product, 2) the attitude toward the Ad, and 3) the attitude toward product of the consumer. 110 housewives are sampled and assigned to 4 experimental groups. All the groups first watched a video-taped homeshopping Ad messages, and then filled up their responses on the administered questionnaire. The results of this study shows as follows: 1) Perceived risk has negative effect to consumer response. 2) Scarcity message has positive effect to consumers response. 3) But especially perceived risk has negative effect to high frequency purchasing experience group. 4) Scarcity message has also negative effect to high frequency purchasing experience group. 5) The interaction effect of perceived risk and scarcity message is most prominent to the consumers of high frequent purchasing experience.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.79
• /
• pp.165-195
• /
• 2016

This paper aims to examine the third-person effect(TPE) of hate comments on online news, and analyze how the issue-relevant audience factors as well as the characteristics of the online message have influence on the TPE. More specifically, based on the distinction between hateful and logical comments regarding the issue of illegal immigration, the authors have conducted an online experiment that compares how the message-related features, i.e., ways of expressing the ideas, lead to the difference in TPE. Analysis was also conducted with regards to how political orientation and discriminatory predisposition to immigrants among the audiences, have different impacts on the TPE. The 479 participants in the experiments were randomly assigned to experimental group(exposed to hate comments) or control group(exposed to logical comments). The results reveal that the TPE of hate comments is higher than that of logical message. The same message proved to be more effective for news users with liberal orientation and discriminatory predisposition. The significance of this paper lies in that it has examined the effect of online hate comments in a rigorous experimental setting. Also the research further elaborated on the audience-related variables, for which the previous studies tended to focus those on the general psychological level rather than relate them more specifically to the issues.