• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
• /
• v.16 no.11
• /
• pp.189-200
• /
• 2011

With rapid development and contribution of IT technology IT fushion healthcare service which is a form of future care has been changed a lot. Specially, as IT technology unites with healthcare, because delicate personal medical information is exposed and user's privacy is invaded, we need preperation. In this paper, u-healthcare service model which can manage patient's ID information as user's condition and access level is proposed to protect user's privacy. The proposed model is distinguished by identification, certification of hospital, access control of medical record, and diagnosis of patient to utilize it efficiently in real life. Also, it prevents leak of medical record and invasion of privacy by others by adapting user's ID as divided by user's security level and authority to protect privacy on user's information shared by hospitals.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.42
• /
• pp.313-342
• /
• 2016

This paper is an attempt to look up the life of Guanyu who was a sainted warrior of Shu Han(蜀漢) and later, was revered as God, especially focusing on the Political perspective of Chinese Dynasty. People represented Guanyu as the general during the Wei Jin Southern and Northern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝), however, throughout the Su-Dang Dynasty(隋唐), Guanyu was Honored in the Wuchengwangmiao(武成王廟) then, was promoted from Hou(侯) to Gong(公), Gong(公) to King(王) in the Song-Yuan Dynasty(宋元). In the Ming-Qing Dynasty(明 淸) when the deification of Guanyu was proceeded most positively, he became a Di(帝) over a King and was endowed with the power over the Three Worlds(三界). He had an influence on nobility as well as the people in Folkbelief over Moral Spirits, and consequently rose through the ranks to become the spiritual guardian. The rulers gave him various names(封號) celebrating the life and work of Guanyu, In fact, they showed interests in the Belief of Guanyu as they attempted to establish an ideological base for the solution of the national disaster and maintenance of feudal system which came to the fore along with the reinforcement for emperor's power.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
• /
• v.21 no.4
• /
• pp.1-27
• /
• 2011

The purpose of this study is to explore some policy implications for improving the faculty personnel management and their salary scheme of the Korean national universities through comparing the systems and practices of Korean national universities to those of OECD countries. The fact that many leading OECD countries in higher education arena have been taking decentralized contract-based system based on institutional autonomy and performance beyond the previous bureaucratic control model casts some significant implications for the Korean national university reform. Especially, concerning on personnel management, it is necessary to provide more flexibility in managing faculty personnel categorization and expansion of faculty quota management for faculty and to review the maintenance of faculty's legal status as civil servant. In addition, regarding the salary scheme of faculty, we suggested performance-based salary scheme with plus-sum methods, settlement of rational faculty performance evaluation system and practices, and need for some aligning efforts for changing faculty salary scheme of the national universities.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.16
• /
• pp.217-226
• /
• 2003

당시(唐詩)에는 당나라 사람들의 생활상이 많이 반영되고 있으며, 이러한 기록들은 많은 부분에 있어서 역사서적의 내용과 일치하기도 한다. 그러므로 우리는 당시를 통하여 당나라의 제도 뿐만 아니라 당나라 사람들의 생활도 광범위하게 이해할 수 있다. 본 고에서 우리는 당시에서 언급되고 있는 당나라 사람들의 복식에 있어서 몇 가지 문제들을 간략히 서술하기로 한다. 당대 초기에는 수나라 복제를 따랐으나, 태종(太宗)과 고종(高宗)을 거치면서 품급에 따라 복색을 구체적으로 구분하였으며, 여자들도 남편의 복색을 따랐다. 황색을 황제의 복색으로 한 것은 고종 총장 원년(668)에 시작되었다. 고종 상원(上元) 원년(674)에는 또 관원의 품급에 따라 색깔의 짙고 옅음을 엄격히 구분하였을 뿐만 아니라 요대의 장식물 재료에도 상세한 규정을 함으로써 신분의 차이를 더욱 구체적으로 구분하였다. 관복의 색깔로 등급의 차이를 구별한 외에도 5품 이상의 관원에게는 어부(魚符)를 담는 어대(魚袋)를 차고 다니게 함으로써 귀천을 분별하였고, 조정의 부름에 응하는 부신(符信)으로 삼았다. 어부는 물고기 모양으로 관등에 따라 금(金)·은(銀)·동(銅)으로 만들어 몸에 지니고 다녔다. 관원들은 갓의 모양으로도 귀천을 구분하였다. 귀족을 갓을 썼으나 평민은 쓰지 못하였고, 문관과 무관도 갓을 각기 달리하였다. 당시에는 또 여자들의 복식과 관련한 묘사도 상당히 보인다. 당나라 때의 여자들은 한(漢)나라 진(晋)나라 때와 마찬가지로 일반적으로 윗옷과 치마를 입었다. 치마는 가슴에서 동여매었고, 그 길이도 매우 길어 땅에 3촌(寸)까지 끌렸다. 여자들은 대개 상의(上衣) 밖에 이른바 반비(半臂)라는 반소매의 옷을 입었다. 본래는 궁녀들이 일하기 편리한 복장으로 입었는데, 후에 점차 여자들의 평상복이 되었다. 여자들의 눈썹과 머리형에 관해서도 당시에는 많이 묘사되고 있다. 여자들의 머리장식과 화장 그리고 몸의 각종 장식구에 대해서도 당시에는 상당히 언급되고 있다. 당나라 여자들의 복식에 있어서 가장 큰 특징은 국내 소수민족 및 외국의 복식에 영향을 받아 "호복(胡服)"을 즐겨 입었다는 점이다. 이른바 "호복"은 서역만을 가리키는 것이 아니라 주변국들의 복장도 가리킨다. 여자들이 쓰는 모자와 신발에도 많은 변화가 생겼다. 당나라 중원지역에는 "만화(蠻靴)"를 신는 여자들이 생겨났으며, 이것은 호복의 하나로 호화(胡靴)라고 칭하기도 하였다. 여자들의 미와 상대적인 자유에 대한 추구는 당시에 강렬히 나타나고 있으며, 이것은 당나라 여자들의 사상이 점차로 개방화되고 있음을 시사해 준다. 이러한 개방의 과정은 당나라 사회의 개방과 사상문화의 교류·진보와 밀접히 관련하는 것이다. 그래서 당나라 사람들의 복식에 대한 당시의 묘사는 우리가 당나라 사회와 사람들의 생활을 이해하는데 중요한 단서가 되고 있다고 말할 수 있다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.15 no.6
• /
• pp.803-819
• /
• 2009

This study explores of the lowest social class segregation in the residential area of Yao city of the Osaka Prefecture. The Buraku people, who constitute a social class that was the object of societal discrimination and exclusion since the beginning of modem times, formed a segregated residential area of their own. During the process of an organized struggle against discrimination that was institutionally recognized, communal consciousness among the constituents was consolidated. Moreover, in the Yao city, Korean immigrants in Japan, another discriminated group, as well as Vietnamese refugees and Chinese, who are also social minorities, increased in number. Also, activities by the Buraku people and Korean immigrants in Japan to defend human rights and the rights of social minorities began to unfold. Recently, the number of small scale factories in the Buraku's Douwa District decreased due to relocation of manufacturing companies elsewhere throughout Japan and to the effects of depression. New non-Buraku houses began to appear one by one on the site where factories started to disappear. While the spatial separatism of Yao city, as part of the isolated Douwa District, is weakening, the struggle based on communal consciousness among the social minorities and continued human rights activity is exerting great influence upon the administrative policy of Yao city. In the case of Yao city, while the visual appearance of spatial segregation is weakening, the communal consciousness among the regional residents remains. From this perspective, it can be said that this case represents a modified form of isolated space or the social pattern of segregation which is in the stage of extinction.

• Journal of Conservation Science
• /
• v.37 no.3
• /
• pp.270-281
• /
• 2021

The Yongjam of Oejae, Yi Dan-ha's wife, is an ornamental hairpin with a dragon-shaped engraving; designated as National Folklore Cultural Heritage No. 4. It is also a component of the ceremonial costume, and an artifact of great value as it clearly identifies the position of the wearer and the period of this artifact. The Yongjam has been well preserved in general; however, various pollutants and corrosive products have affected the engraved patterns, requiring conservation treatment. Furthermore, a non-destructive analysis was conducted to identify the components of the materials and the manufacturing techniques used in the ornament. The Yongjam is hollow inside to reduce its weight when placed in the hair and has a color contrast of gold, red, and black. The decorative part and the body were made separately. That is, the body was made from an alloy of copper, silver, and zinc, and its joint was elaborately connected without any overlaps. In the decorative part, different alloy ratios were identified in the dragon's face, beard, horn, body, and fin. Further, for the dragon's face with its delicate patterns, an alloy of silver and copper was used, likely to make the face appear as realistic as possible.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.3
• /
• pp.142-163
• /
• 2020

In the early Joseon dynasty, the meritorious vassals' portrait of Jeokgae (1467, 1476), Jeongguk (1506)·Jeongnan (1507), and Wisa (1545) were defined as the 2^nd period of the official uniform, in which the acheongsaek HeukDanryung appeared and settled. A total of seven portraits were analyzed, including three portraits of Jeokgae (1467, portrait production 1476) Son-so, Oh Jachi, and Jang Malson, and four portraits of Jeongguk (1506)·Jeongnan (1507) Yoo Sunjung, Hong Gyeongju, Lee Woo, and Yoo Hong. In the portrait of the Jeokgae wearing a Yebok HeukDanryung, in the case of the Samo, the height of the Samo, which had been raised at the beginning of King Seongjong, was lowered again, and the parietal part was rounded. The pattern was not expressed on the wide oval side wings of the Samo. In addition, the pattern was not expressed on the acheongsaek Danryung, Dapho, and Cheolrik. The colors of Dapho and Cheolrik were unified in green and red, respectively. The Mu of Danryung and Dapho was expressed as 'in and out wrinkled Mu', and the shoes were expressed in Baekhwa. Another feature is that the Jeokgae's portrait is expressed not as the Pumgye at the time of appointment, but as the Pumgye of the portrait production time. In the portrait of the Jeongguk·Jeongnan wearing a Sibok HeukDanryung, the height of the Samo lowered from the Jeokgae was maintained, while the parietal part was slightly narrowed and bent forward. The side wings of the Samo were expressed as an oval with a uniform width, and still the pattern was not expressed on the side wings. The pattern was not expressed in the costume of the Danghagwan's portrait, but the cloud pattern began to be expressed in the costume of the Dangsanggwan's portrait. And the Danryung was expressed as single Danryung without lining. In the portrait of Dangsang, the red Dapho and green Cheolrik were expressed, and in the portrait of Dangha, the green Dapho and blue Cheolrik were expressed. Therefore, it was found that the color of the undergarment was distinguished according to the Dangsang and Dangha. In Danryung and Dapho, the 'in and out wrinkled Mu' were maintained. The shoes were expressed in Heukhwa, and the rank badge and rank belt reflect the Pumgye at the time of the appointment. On the other hand, the portrait of Wisa could not be confirmed, but through the recording painting of the reign of King Meongjong, it was found that it was similar to the Danryung system of the reign of King Jungjong. Through the 2^nd period of the meritorious vassal's portrait of Jeokgae, it was confirmed that the HeukDanryung outfit began to be used as the official uniform of the meritorious vassal's portrait, and that the Pumgye of the portrait production time was reflected in the portrait. After the meritorious vassal's portrait of Jeongguk, the pattern began to be expressed in the costumes, and in particular, it was possible to distinguish Dasang and Dangha by the presence or absence of the HeukDanryung's pattern. In addition, it was confirmed that the expressed aspect of the official uniform was consistent with the practices and regulations at the time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.42 no.5
• /
• pp.134-147
• /
• 2014

Pleasure grounds, which were introduced during the Japanese colonial era, were places for organizing new amusement activities, and developed into a large-scale private spaces and a new type of public space at the same time. This study explores the scenery and accommodations of pleasure grounds and the changes of the amusement culture through the Wolmido Pleasure Grounds, which was a typical pleasure grounds of the time. At that time, Wolmido became a comprehensive amusement/entertainment place with many elements of both Western and Japanese pleasure grounds such as exotic buildings harmonized with trees, a beach, a seaside school, public playing field, and zoo constructed on the Island. Wolmido Pleasure Ground, which was connected with Kyungsung by Kyungin railroad during the Japanese colonial era, is a good example showing the process of the popularization and commercialization of the amusement culture. The process of popularization of amusement shows the spreading of the enjoyment of leisure time with amusement activities through appreciating the beautiful scenery of the pleasure grounds among various social classes. The caste system was broken and anyone could use the pleasure grounds by paying the fee, of which there were many kinds, so the distinction between genders and the different classes, such as the Chosun people and Japanese, regarding amusement in pleasure grounds disappeared gradually. Also, pleasure grounds were a place for Western hobby-sports activities and were the means to generalize collective and dynamic activities through summer school and various sport games. At the same time, there were places for deviation from the existing social norms when it was combined with entertainment facilities. The commercialization of amusement took place in the form of an artificial entertainment culture within an artificial environment. First, the scenery was artificially constructed and this scenery created the image of paradise such as 'captivating summer vacation spot' and 'water kingdom'. This was the result of the combined intentions of the colonial authority, the railroad company and the amusement corporation to produce economic profits and encourage development in the area. Second, an artificial spectacle was constructed using nature as the backdrop. Buildings of various styles created a modernized and exotic image when they were combined with each other. Artifacts such as breakwaters and arcades created new attractions for people that enabled them to view both nature and the crowds from a whole different perspective. Third, pleasure grounds contributed to the advent of passive users who would just follow the given use and instructions. In this way, one can find the prototype of popular entertainment places of today such as sightseeing complexes, amusement parks, and theme parks through the construction of amusement grounds as a place for providing dynamic activities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.44 no.4
• /
• pp.56-69
• /
• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.157-181
• /
• 2015

This thesis pursued exchanges of Hwangsang with Chusa Family, who existed in the 19th century. What was Chusa to Hwangsang and what was Hwangsang to Chusa? The answer is concluded to the question of which existence Chusa was to Hwangsang but not of which existence Hwangsang was to Chusa. However, disregarding social positions of the nobles and the commoners, brothers of Chusa also cherished Hwangsang and respectfully treated him as a poet at all times. Chusa was a critic who recognized Hwangsang as a successor to Dasan poetics and became a patron of the literary circles on the other hand. Hwangsang's Chinese poems related to Chusa Family are counted as 45 JE 52 SU in total which consist of 31 JE 34 SU in "CHIWONYUGO" and 14 JE 18 SU in "CHIWONSOGO", On the other hand, Chinese poems which Chusa wrote for Hwangsang are only a few pieces shown in "WANDANGJEONJIP". Hwangsang first met three brothers including Chusa in September 1853 when he came up to the capital for the 4th time. Jeong Hak-yeon, the oldest son of Dasan Jeang Yak-yong, played an important role in the whole process that Hwangsang met Chusa's three brothers and was recognized as a poet. As the oldest son of Dasan Family, Jeong Hak-yeon made efforts in various ways for Hwangsang. Hwangsang tried his efforts to exhibit his ability as a poet to Chusa and to get Chusa's introduction of his poetical works. Considering Chusa's importance in then literary circles, the introduction seemed to reflect recognition by the literary circles in the metropolis and it also showed that Hwangsang was no more than an obscure poet in the provincial area. Poetical composition of Hwangsang for Chusa three brothers commonly contained friendship, intimacy and special respect at all times. Seeing from exchange process between Hwangsang and Dasan Family or Chusa Family, it is found that mutual exchanges were actively made in the mid-nineteenth century overcoming regional differentiation between capital and province, or feudalism class distinction of social positions of the nobles and the commoners.