• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.137-160
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• 2003

The GyoJungEuiSeoGook(校定醫書局, the bureau for revising of medical books) which was established in the 2nd year of InJong GaWoou of Song dynasty, made comparative analyzation about various kinds of publication and reference materials of all classical medical books that was published until Jin Han and Su Dang dynasty, revised the medical books like as Bozushinnongboncho(補注神農本草), Zungkwangbozuhwangjenegyungsomun(重廣補注黃帝內經素問), Shanghanlon(傷寒論), Bigupchunggumyobang (備急千金要方), Magkyung(脈經), Oedaebiyo(外臺備要), Hwangjechimgugapeulgyung(黃帝鍼灸甲乙經), Cchunggumikbang(千金翼方) etc. The signification of such revision was not only to preserve the materials which may be lost before, bibliographically and also make the books of Hwangjenegyung(黃帝內經), Shanghanlon(傷寒論) etc. become more regularly. And it made the foundation of Korean Medical research depends on the documentary records so as to make it have big development by deductive method till the beginning of modern age. The success of GyoJungEuiSeoGook(校定醫書局) indicates that the stagnation of Korean Medical research due to it's behind with the development of politics-economy, social culture and scientific technology which based on western scientific culture. So we may draw the conclusion that the success of scientific research needs to parallel with the external and internal factors of the surrounding science.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.45-56
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to clarify the historical background of the setting of seungdang(僧堂) and gowon (庫院) in the Zen Buddhist temples of Song dynasty, in terms of as a Buddhist temple universality and as a Zen temple specificity, through the historical reference investigation on its relevance to the Buddhist temples of Tang dynasty. In the Zen Buddhist temples of Song dynasty, the Zen meditation space of seungdang was located on the west side of Buddha hall, and the kitchen and officiating priest's living space of gowon was located on the east side of Buddha hall. Through the analysis of historical reference it was confirmed that, in the Buddhist temples of Tang dynasty, the Zen meditation section of seonwon(禪院) was on the west side, and the gowon was on the east side too. Therefore, it can be said that, the setting method of seungdang and gowon of the Zen Buddhist temples of Song dynasty was established above tradition of the Tang dynasty Buddhist temples.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.125-136
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• 2007

본연구장이송대이후유의적성립화의이투과명대적대표적유의장개빈(本硏究將以宋代以後儒醫的成立和意而透過明代的代表的儒醫張介賓), 진행검시의론화의덕지중유학이론적투영과정화전개(進行檢詩醫論和醫德之中儒學理論的投影過程和展開). 송대이후유학적인산생유의적지중칭지위인술적개념(宋代以後儒學的仁産生儒醫的之中稱之爲仁術的槪念), 효화인성위의학적존립목적(孝和仁成爲醫學的存立目的). 저래원재어유학구유적도덕적생명의(這來源在於儒學具有的道德的生命議), 이차이생명도덕적해석위중심(而且以生命道德的解釋爲中心), 해석형기적문제(解釋形氣的問題). 생리적변화촉진심성변화적촉발(生理的變化促進心性變化的觸發), 심성적부중절조성병리(心性的不中節造成病理). 유의문장유학적절욕양생적의미전이도의학(儒醫們將儒學的節欲養生的意味轉移到醫學), 이차장욕구화감정절제주장적성리학화의학재어일개구조지중상통(而且將欲求和感情節制主張的性理學和醫學在於一個構造之中相通). 유학적추구시인간화자연이급사회적도덕주체적확립(儒學的追求是人間和自然以及社會的道德主體的確立), 이차전개장개빈이급유의문적유학이상(而且展開張介賓以及儒醫們的儒學理想). 유의적의의부지재어장의학적과학기술문제(儒醫的意義不只在於將醫學的科學技術問題), 장유추인간생명적도덕적의의(將類推人間生命的道德的意義), 재어의학적문화화도덕적해석적가능성(在於醫學的文化和道德的解釋的可能性).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.151-180
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• 2018

Since the completion of the theories on human ethics and moral had been established to pursue by Confucian thinkers like Confucius and Mencius, they generally had agreed to present the basic principles for human education which every human could be the sage. In these principles for human ethics and morality there is on the premise that the knowledge about your own ethical and that the completion of the so-called act(爲) and learning(學). They had given to us that how to get a goal for the ethical and moral lives there are several academic oriented methodology will have act and learning set. In the point of achieving complete figures which act and learning for good society, there was named the sage(聖). This concept sage has two major types. One is on for the political figures that completed, and the other one is for the realm of academic side. Confucian as above mentioned the moral human being is equipped with a complete personality and political ability to make man and society perfect. Confucius has been understood as a complete human being. Yes, ideal for these two types of figures will be fulfilled in some way? They take a mystical ability to a priori or a posteriori, such as human effort can reach the sage. There are many thinkers are obvious and logical answer for this major problem in the system of confucian philosophy I have been trying. About the sage(聖), inherently natural learning(生知) occur to the position sage or knowledge (學知), can lead to there are two of the doctrine for that problem. With the study of learning and knowledge on human beings and real society the two systems concerned together. In fact, the main content of the "Analects of Confucius" we have a set of ethical and moral values not the benevolent conversation about Jin(仁) and his disciples a steady emphasis but on in praise of learning (學) for. However, at the time in Han Tang(漢唐) Han Wi(韓愈) and Wang Chung(王充), according to such thinkers the sage is already a priori determined, cannot be reached by human effort. But At the beginning of the Neo-Confucianism, Cheng I(程?) for the pioneer this Song(宋) scholars, regarding this issue could rebirth the thought that every human could be the sage through the learning as the pre-Chin(先秦) times.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.62-78
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• 2023

The act of burning incense originated from Buddhist rituals and customs, and gradually formed its own culture. In the Goryeo Dynasty, in addition to religious and national rituals, incense came to be enjoyed more generally and widely. In particular, Goryeo literati enjoyed the elegant lifestyle of staying home and burning incense. This was part of a regional culture shared across East Asia. Such incense burning applied the same methods as were used during the same period in China. In collections of writings from the Goryeo Dynasty, it can be seen that incense methods such as gyeok-hwa-hoon-hyang (隔火熏香) and jeon-hyang (篆香) were used. A particular method of incense influenced the size and shape of the incense burner utilized. Small incense burners suitable for simple everyday incense were used, such as the hyangwan (香垸), a cup (wine glass)-shaped burner. White porcelain incense burners from Song were discovered in Gaegyeong, and celadon incense burners from Goryeo were made in the same shape. This phenomenon shows that there was great demand for ceramic incense burners in Goryeo in the 12th and 13th centuries. During this period, incense burners that imitated metalware were produced, and some applied the techniques and patterns of Goryeo celadon. The Goryeo Dynasty-era incense burner was basically a necessity for use in various rituals, but gradually came to be widely used also by individuals.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.9-18
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• 2014

This study is to carry out literary study about the subject of Martial Study in Song Dynasty which was in charge of military strategy education. Martial Examination and Martial Study were related to military officials in China, and also have important value of historical materials in physical education dealing with martial arts as traditional physical activity. To be a military official would be possible to correspond with such requirements as knowledge that sports experts should have, leadership as a leader, and ability reinforcement through physical training, and the effort to pass Martial examination as the chance of status rise contributed to developing sports and culture because the necessity of training military arts was emphasized in social situations. Martial Study establishment became a clue of creating and spreading the notion that General should have virtue and justice as an ideological style of new-Confucianism (neo-Confucianism and Sung Confucianism) in Song Dynasty. After founded in 1043 and equipped with a formal aspect in 1072, Martial Study got the political effect and improved national competitiveness while its function of cultivating and selecting excellent capable persons was going on smoothly. Educational contents in Martial Study were understanding and flexibly applying the skills of infantrymen, cavalrymen, and bowmen and the meanings and theories of confucian classics, testing problem solutions of reality, and teaching the measures of the problem. Martial Study included three aspects of military capable persons, war, and weapons and took charge of the function of education, selection, and promotion, steadily supporting development and continuance of Martial examination institution.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.2 s.42
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• pp.7-20
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• 2005

Ceremony is important to Buddhism as a part of the religious practice. Buddhist ceremony is a kind of discipline and it rules the Chan monastery life. This discipline, called $\ulcorner$Qinggui(淸規)$\lrcorner$ also forms a part of the practice for enlightenment in the Chan monastery(禪宗). Qinggui is derived from $\ulcorner$Baizhang's monastic code(百丈淸規)$\lrcorner$ which no longer exists. $\ulcorner$Chanyuan qinggui(禪院淸規)$\lrcorner$ is considered the oldest surviving Chinese monastic discipline. Its success is partly due to the emphasis in the Chan monastery on the succession of monks to abbot hood. Qinggui has been called the only discipline in Buddhist monastic life in religion. Whether it is also the discipline of the architectural space of the Chan temples is the focus of this thesis. The examination of this assumption may expand the meaning of Qinggui as embodying not only the religious form of discipline but also a fundamental part of the architectural archive. The majority of the buildings in the Chan monastery in Qinggui are related to $\ulcorner$Five Mountains Ten Checks figures$\lrcorner$. Most of all, it can be clarified that the elements of Qinggui are expressed through the analysis of the activities in each building. This proves that Qinggui has become a stipulation not only for the regulation of the monastery life but also the architectural code of the Chan temples. In conclusion, this study shows how the meaning of ceremony and monastery life in $\ulcorner$Chanyuan qinggui$\lrcorner$ can be expanded to include the design program of temples. The research proves that there is a basic code in the Chan temples for designing the structure of the monastery space. Similarly, $\ulcorner$Five Mountains Ten Checks Figures$\lrcorner$ was a diagram for examination and analysis as well as a tool for creating drawings of the temples in the Song era.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.64-68
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• 2004

당(唐)나라 고종시대(高宗時代)(7세기후반기(世紀後半期))에 유행(流行)했던 양상선(楊上善)이 선주(選注)한 "황제내경태소(黃帝內経太素)"가 일본(日本)에 전(傳)해진 것은 현종시대(玄宗時代)(8세기전반기(世紀前半期))였을 것으로 추측된다. 그 후 "태소(太素)"는 중국(中國) 송대(宋代)에는 이미 거의 모두 유실(流失)되었다. 일본(日本)에서도 점차 확실하게 전승(傳承)되지 못했지만 강호시대말기(江戶時代末期)에 이르러 경도(京都)의 인화사(仁和寺) 서고(書庫)에서 재발견(再發見)되었다. 따라서 지금 볼 수 있는 "태소(太素)"에 수록된 내용들은 모두 인화사(仁和寺)에 저장된 고권자초본(古卷子抄本)(이하(以下)에서 인화사본(仁和寺本)이라고 약칭(略稱))으로부터 유래(由來)해온 것이다. 이 초본(抄本)은 1165~1168년(年)에 단파뢰기(丹波頼基)가 직접(直接) 쓴 것이다. 그가 기초로 삼았던 원본은 일세대전(一世代前)의 단파헌기(丹波憲基)가 쓴 것이다. 이에 대하여 살펴본 결과, 인화사본(仁和寺本) "태소(太素)"의 정리(整理)에서 최초에 초사(抄寫)할 때 착오(錯誤)가 있었다는 것을 고려(考慮)할 필요성(必要性)이 일반고의적이상(一般古医籍以上)으로 크다고 말할 수 있으며, "소문(素問), "영추(靈樞)"와의 이동점(異同點)에 대해서도 교기(校記)할 필요(必要)가 없는 것을 응당 지적(指摘)해내야 한다. 그중 상당한 부분(部分)은 옮겨쓴 사람이 일본인이기 때문에 발생한 것이라 할 수 있다. 이런 것들은 일본인(日本人)에 의하여 교정(校正)하는 것이 더 편리(便利)하다고 생각된다. 단지 대륙(大陸)의 문화(文化)가 고대일본(古代日本)에 전입(轉入)되는 과정에서 고대한국인(古代韓國人)의 작용이 컸을 것으로 생각된다. 따라서 "태소(太素)"초본(抄本)에도 "일본적(日本的)인 착오(錯誤)"외에 "고대한국적(古代韓國的)인 착오(錯誤)"가 있을 가능성도 있다. 금후(今後) 이에 대한 많은 연구가 진행되기를 바란다.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.249-278
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• 2009

Zhu-zi(朱子) represented the study of The Book of Odes in Song dynasty and Dai-zhen(戴震) was The Book of Odes researcher representing Wan-pai(a kind of party) in Qing dynasty. Especially Dai-zhen took critical position of Zhu-xi. Comparing Zhu-zi with Dai-zhen in the aspect of The Book of Odes interpretation, this thesis intends to review the difference and the reason of both interpretations. Especially this thesis compares Zhu-zi's interpretation with Dai-zhen's about thirty poems Zhu-zi considered filthy poetry, investigating the differences of their interpretation. Regarding the poetry Zhu-zi considered filthy as refined satire, Dai-zhen had a negative position about Zhu-zi's theory of filthy poetry. As Zhu-zi interpreted the poetry in the first person on the literary view in the time when he interpreted the lyrics in the Feng-shi, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as feeling of words. But as Dai-zhen interpreted the poetry in the third person under a Confucian classic view, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as refined satire. In brief, that is to say that Zhu-zi made literary interpretations of feeling of words but Dai-zhen made Confucian classic interpretations of 'Si-wu-xie'(思無邪). These two men's differences about interpretation of The Book of Odes have much importance on the historical aspects of The Book of Odes. So to speak, Dai-zhen had bibliographical approach and described the meaning of poetry objectively, following Mao-shi(毛詩) theory about the interpretation of meaning of poetry, criticizing Zhu-zi's literarary view. Dai-zhen's interpretation of The Book of Odes mentioned Above was made from long vital power of Mao-shi theory and a Confucian classic method. Considering the historical stream of Zhu-zi and Dai-zhen's interpreting The Book of Odes, The Book of Odes will be interpreted and analyzed from the various views in the future.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.