• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.131
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• pp.303-330
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• 2014

Les avis des philosophes sur la mort sont $diff{\acute{e}}rentes$ selon leurs visions du monde. Certains essaient de surmonter la peur sur la mort, en $n{\acute{e}}gligeant$ la mort, et certains essaient de vivre le vraie vie par la $m{\acute{e}}ditation$ de la mort. Chez Kierkegaard la notion de la mort se $pr{\acute{e}}sente$ comme key-world $tr{\grave{e}}s$ important, et cela signifie qu'il parle par la mort une vie $s{\acute{e}}rieuse$ et vraie. Pour Kierkegaard la mort signifie d'abord la mort de la vie mondaine ou la $n{\acute{e}}gation$ de soi, cela est en faveur de sa conception de la nature humaine $o{\grave{u}}$ l'homme est fondamentalement un ${\hat{e}}tre$ $probl{\grave{e}}matique$ et ${\grave{a}}$ la fois ceuli qui a un rapport avec $l^{\prime}{\acute{e}}ternel$. Le $d{\acute{e}}sespoir$ de l'homme sur la vie $pr{\acute{e}}sente$ peut devenir 'la maladie qui entraîne la mort' c'est-${\grave{a}}$-dire la mort spirituelle, mais il peut donner aussi une chemin par laquelle l'homme se dirige en tant qu'individu vers l'Absolu. Chez lui ${\hat{e}}tre$ $s{\acute{e}}rieux$ signifie devenir existentiellement par la $n{\acute{e}}gation$ de soi. Et l'absence de la $sinc{\acute{e}}rit{\acute{e}}$ signifie l'absence de soi en tnat $qu^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre$ spirituel. Ainsi la $pens{\acute{e}}e$ $s{\acute{e}}rieuse$ sur la mort $n^{\prime}{\acute{e}}tant$ autre chose que de penser la mort comme la partie de $l^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre$ $pr{\acute{e}}sent$, elle devient la source ${\acute{e}}nergique$ qui permet de vivre pleinement le $pr{\acute{e}}sent$ comme $r{\acute{e}}alit{\acute{e}}$ $li{\acute{e}}$ ${\acute{a}}$ $l^{\prime}{\acute{e}}ternit{\acute{e}}$. Sa $pens{\acute{e}}e$ $s{\acute{e}}rieuse$ sur la mort permet d'avoir une conviction religieuse par laquelle l'homme peut penser la mort corporelle comme aventure $li{\acute{e}}e$ ${\grave{a}}$ $l^{\prime}{\acute{e}}ternit{\acute{e}}$ et par laquelle l'homme peut penser aussi la vie $apr{\grave{e}}s$ la mort comme vraie vie que les justes avaient $d{\acute{e}}sir{\acute{e}}s$. Cette $pens{\acute{e}}e$ de Kierkegaard sur la mort signifie le sens $m{\acute{e}}taphysique$ sur la mort au sens $o{\grave{u}}$ elle est une $r{\acute{e}}alit{\acute{e}}$ $v{\acute{e}}cue$, et aussi la $pens{\acute{e}}e$ qui ${\acute{e}}claircit$ la sagesse des philosophes antiques ${\grave{a}}$ la perspective $chr{\acute{e}}tienne$ qui dit philosopher, c'est apprendre ${\grave{a}}$ mourir.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.147-189
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• 2016

This study attempted to investigate the issue how stepmother's narrative was transferred to . For this agenda, the approach of this paper is described below to determine how Bbaengdeok's stepmother narrative was transferred episodically to . First, this paper started from the relation between stepmother narrative and affiliated with each root folk tale in Buddhist text. Among known as root folk tale until now, this paper investigated whether was the root folk tale affiliated to Buddhist literature. At that point, stepmother narrative showed relation with opening eyes motive. It has been reported that the text of opening eyes in Buddhist literature is originated from the south. This paper confirmed that 's stepmother narrative was related to Buddhist literature originated from south. Next, this paper investigated the background of opening eyes motive of stepmother types. After entering Gyeongpan , it formed Bbaengdeok narrative of Wanpan related to Literary geography of Jeollado enjoying space of Wanpan . There are two evidences for this. The first one is which was passed down around Jeollado. In the course of sudden Buddhist folklore's flow into the country, it is that combined stepmother narrative of sudden Buddhist literature with the characteristics of northern Buddhist literature which was reconstructed into son's filial behavior of northern Buddhist literature to make father's blinded eyes open. The other is the Buddhist trend of the late 18th Chosun when northern Buddhist literature and sudden Buddhist literature were combined. It appeared that stepmother narrative was formed in the Buddhist background of the late 18th Chosun when northern Buddhist literature and sudden Buddhist literature were combined.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.48-65
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• 2018

The authors of this paper aim to make a record of the construction process, its symbolic meaning, and the changes in the status of the landscape plants at the Pasanseodang according to the Report on the Pasanseodang written by Park Gyu-hyun in 1874. First, the construction of Samgahun Pavilion, which is located in Myo-ri, Habin-myun, Dalsung-gun, Daegu, took about 90 years and spanned the lifetimes of Park Sungsoo, an 11th-generation descendant of Park Paengnyun (1417~1456) through to Park Kyuhyun, a 14th-generation descendant. It was called the shape of dragon, with its head facing the tail (回龍顧尾形), in feng shui. Second, the village of Pahwoe was founded in 1769, the 45th year of the reign of King Yeongjo, by Park Sungsoo for the purpose of socializing with his friends at his thatched home, and was named after his own courtesy name (Samgahun). Park Kwangseok, the second son of Park Sungsoo, built the sarangchae in 1826 and the anchae in 1869 after his marriage (in 1783). Then, Park Kyuhyun, the grandson of Park Kwangseok, built the pond and planted it with lotus flowers, and built the Hayeopjeong in 1874. The Pasanseodang, as the precursor of the Hayeopjeong, may be related with the name of the hillside region behind Samgahun. Third, a quadrangular-shaped pond with a length of 21m and a width of 15m was also built and planted with lotus flowers. In the center of the pond is a small round island that reflects the world view of the Chosun dynasty, i.e. that the sky is round and the landmass is quadrangular. Meanwhile, the name of the Hayeopjeon reflects the value system of aristocrats who lived a life of leisure and artistic indulgence. They called the eastern room "Yeeyeonhun" (怡燕軒) and the western room "Mongyangjae" (蒙養齋), names which embody their wishes for a good life as a member of the nobility and a bright future for one's descendants. Fourth, in Confucian terms, the authors infer the points of view reflected in the kinds of trees that were planted according to Confucian norms (pine tree, lotus, bamboo), the living philosophy of sustainability (willow), the ideology of seclusion and the search for peace of mind (bamboo), and relief efforts for the poor and a life of practicality (chestnut, oak, wild walnut, lacquer). The authors assert that this way of planting trees was a highly effective design feature of landscape architecture that drew on the locational and symbolic significance of the Seodang. Fifth, the majority of the trees that were initially planted withered and were replaced with different species, except for the locust and lotus, at this point. Nevertheless, a review of the process of construction, symbolic meaning, and original architectural landscape of the Samgahun is of value in demonstrating the extended symbolic meaning of their descendants in terms of the practical loss of the function of the Seodang, the values of Feng Sui (red in the east, white in the west, based on the principles of Feng Sui), the function of repelling evils spirits (kalopanax, trifoliate orange), aesthetic and practical values (sweetbrier, apricot, pear, peach, and oriental oak trees), and the prosperity of the family and the timeless value of honest poverty (silk, crape myrtle, and yew trees).

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.32
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• pp.186-218
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• 2017

The ritual food is one of the indispensable elements in rituals of Korean folk beliefs. This is ascertained by the fact that a very simple ritual cannot be practiced and performed even without offering a bowl of water. In this regard, it is properly claimed that food is an essential medium of communications between man and gods if they spiritually meet and communicate each other by way of various rituals in Korean folk beliefs. It is possible to point out Gut, the typical ritual of Korean Shamanism as an example of serving the ritual foods among Korean folk beliefs. One of the striking phenomena in Gut(Korean Shamanism's rituals) is various ritual foods on the tables for Gut. There is no Gut performances without offering ritual foods, and the ritual food in Gut practices is more than just food offering to the gods. Moreover the ritual food tells that what kind of Gut it is and for what purpose it is performed, for whom it is set up. And even the invited gods of Musok are disclosed according to the ritual food in Gut. Also some parts of Musok's worldview are appeared and actualized through the ritual food in Gut. In this sense the ritual food in Gut is one of the important channels for understanding Gut and Musok, and one of the explanation systems about Musok. Even if recognized the importance of the ritual food in Gut, it still has not been draw proper attentions to deserving its importance in the researches on Musok and Gut. Upon the critical reviews on such tendencies of the previous studies this paper tries to clarify the characteristics and significances of the ritual food in Gut by examining the Jinjuk Gut in Seoul area as an case study. On the basis of this examination, the ritual food in Gut comes up to be one of the important paths to understanding Gut and Musok as an explanatory system on Musok in general.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.4-15
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• 2012

Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.141-170
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• 2014

Science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格物致知學]' is the translation of Science in Chosun age. Science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格物致知學] which is the highest stage of new science is the symbol of the transfer of universal culture to the western modern civilization from old-fashioned confucianism. Modern western culture and the scientific way of thinking make man as a object to scientific research. Thinking method of social Darwinism made man believe to think like them as the modern method. And also such thinking method made man militarism and imperialism are right thinking and research methods. The core to think the science of gaining knowledge by the study of things[格 物致知學] as a violent thinking method is the Confucianism. By this method Park Eun-sik criticize this side of scientific technology as the means of militarism. Till now we pointed to think of the traditional philosophy as the tool of the western modern philosophy about war criminal. Now we rethink of the Confucianism asset as a tool of Korean Modern Culture. Musungmumul[無誠無 物] will offer moral basis to think humanism of the scientific technology of the modern western culture.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.467-493
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• 2018

This Study looks into increase of Match-ending type of 'Ureonggaksi' folktale and its secularization focusing on Match-ending types of 71 materials from "The Comprehensive Collection of Korean Folklore"(1979-1985) and 'The Revision And Enlargement project' (2008-2018). This study classifies 'Ureonggaksi' folktale into ones of 1910-70s, 80s, and 2000s. Match-ending types increase in "The Comprehensive Collection of Korean Folklore" and 'The Revision And Enlargement project'. Match-ending types constitute 60% of Ureonggaksi' folktale materials from "The Comprehensive Collection of Korean Folklore" and 'The Revision And Enlargement project', which is twice more than 34% of Parting-ending types. Firstly, taboo motif in Match-ending types is inclined to disappear. Even if taboo motif appears, materials with keeping its taboo are more than breaking one. It means that the function of taboo weakens, since the meaning of sacred wedding is emphasized when it is broken. Desacralization of Ureonggaksi figure is inclined to make the match of hero and heroin recognized as a common one. Increase of match type without taboo motif, and a new Ureonggaksi type in 'The Revision And Enlargement project', Underground monster-defeating type, with a character of Romantic matching narrative, mean Discoloration of Ureonggaksi folktale. Interest and recognition on sacred existence disappears, and there is found the conciousness to pursue happiness in real world through connection between man and woman by realistic world-view. This study contains 37 Ureonggaksi folktales recorded in 'The Revision And Enlargement project' (2008-2018) as material. Furthermore, there are found new Ureonggaksi types in 'The Revision And Enlargement project': Underground monster-defeating type, which is transformed from groom with bird-feather clothes type(a kind of matching-ending type of Ureonggaksi folktale), and the subjugated's resistance awareness weakens and shows a character of Romantic matching narrative.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.85-98
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• 2021

In accordance with planning to construct culture park on Songhyeon-dong (district) near Gyeongbokgung Palace, This study analyzed literature and drawings from the early Joseon Dynasty to today for the district, known as 'Songhyeon (pine hill)' to identify historical and cultural landscapes during essential times. The following are the results; First, the owners of significant lots were identified, and land use and landscape components were extracted for a diachronic examination of the landscape of the whole area of Songhyeon-dong. Songhyeon district had been regarded as the 'Inner Blue Dragon (Spot) of Gyeongbokgung Palace' in terms of geomancy since the foundation of Joseon in 1392 in that the government created and managed a 'pine forest' in the district. A state warehouse called 'bungam' was constructed, and small fruit stores, 'ujeon,' opened due to the complete reformation and urban planning led by King Taejong in 1410. From the 19th century, mansions of the upper class, such as 'Gaseonggak', 'Changnyeongwuigung' and 'Byeoksugeosajeong' were in the district. A prominent official residential complex called 'Sigeun Sataek' was constructed in 1919 after Chosen Siksan Bank purchased the site. Later, it was transferred to America in 1948 and used as the 'US Embassy Staff Quarters'. Second, the changes in the site view, associated with the aspects of society by the times, were examined by estimating the location and the time the landscape components lasted in each period extracted and identifying the physical entity. The pine forest, regarded as the 'Inner Blue Dragon' that guards the left side of the palace within the geomantic world view, was located in the highlands in the west of the site. In the same period, the flat area in the east was regarded as the 'commoner's district', the streets adjacent to various government facilities and the market, packed with people from different walks of life. From the 19th century, the gardens of the aristocrats of the capital city were created in the pine forest, turning the place into the forest in the middle of the city. The whole area of Songhyeon-dong, which existed as a large lot in the city center for a long time, was developed by Japanese imperialists in the 20th century based on the concept of 'Ideal Healthy Land,' which interrupted the placeness of Songhyeon-dong that had adhered to the traditional geomatic view of the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.117-152
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• 2020

In Daesoon Thought, Matteo Ricci is regarded highly as a Jongjang, 'religious leader,' (of Christianity). This paper deals with the life and philosophical/theological thought of Matteo Ricci as homo-religiosus from the perspective of phenomenology of religion. Examining his historical background and biographical sketch, I will analyze Ricci's understanding of God, humanity, and salvation and re-evaluate his relationship with Daesoon Thought. Matteo Ricci, born in Italy, became a Jesuit missionary to China and transmitted various products of western civilization. Accepting the pro-cultural approach of Jesuit mission, he applied it to Chinese culture and language by learning the Chinese language and regarding Chinese people as his friends. This was a sympathetic way to transmit Western religion and culture while on Chinese soil. He suggested eight reasons to look towards the future of China with optimism and taught Chinese people his Christian message through his indirect means of understanding and persuasion. In China, Jesuit missionaries called the Christian God 'Tianzhu (Cheonju in Sino-Korean),' meaning Lord of Heaven. Ricci identified the Confucian notion of 'Shangdi (Sangje in Sino-Korean),' meaning Supreme Emperor (or God) with Tianzhu. While translating Confucian scriptures, he found the common ground between Confucianism and Christianity to be the monotheism of ancient Confucianism. He criticized the concepts of God in Buddhism and Daoism, and justified the Christian doctrine of God by way of a Confucian understanding of deity. Ricci's understanding of humanity was based on his Christian faith in creation, and he criticized the Buddhist concept of transmigration. He proposed Christian ethics and doctrine of salvation by using discourse on the afterlife and in particular, the concepts of heaven and hell. Concerning the relationship between Daesoon Thought and Ricci, the following aspects should be examined: 1.) Ricci's contribution to the cultural exchanges between East and West, 2.) his peaceful approach to his mission based on dialogue and persuasion, 3.) the various activities conducted by Ricci as a Christian leader, and 4.) his belief in miraculous healings. His influence on Korea will likewise be explored. Ricci's ultimate aim was to communicate with Asian people and unify East and West under a singular worldview by emphasizing the similarities between the Christian and Confucian concepts of God.