• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.171-199
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• 2009

This paper started with my effort to find connections between Empty Hands, which was put on the stage at the Mime House in Chuncheon, Gangwon Province, and Jindo Ssitgimgut. The mimist Yu Jin-gyu(58) adopted so many elements from Jindo Ssitgimgut for his performance that I felt that it was the pantomime version of Jindo Ssitgimgut. Of course, the pantomime took the form of gut based on shamanism in terms of story. Watching the pantomime, I once again saw the possibility of developing Korea's cultural archetypes into cultural contents. Helen Lannaghan, the art director of London International Mime Festival of 2005, saw his performance at the conference of Chuncheon International Mime Festival and invited it to the London International Mime Festival praising that it's full of Korean elements, minimalist, and modern at the same time. In fact, Empty Hands, which boasts great harmony among the Korean objet, Oriental thoughts, Samulnori, and Western contemporary mime, was invited to many foreign festivals including the Mimos International Mime Festival in 2000, Polish International Mime Festival in 2001, Mongol's International Mime Festival in 2002, and Belgium's International Mime Festival in 2003. In addition, it's recognized for its artistic values and had a chance to shine in another international setting at the London International Mime Festival whose reputations have been worldwide. All those achievements are the result of Yu's constant effort to reflect Korean elements through his movements. What I saw in his pantomime was the possibility that plays based on Korea's cultural archetypes such as Jindo Ssitgimgut could play an important role as a global content of performance culture. Pursuing the possibility further, I analyzed the factors that brought the worldwide recognition to Empty Hands and searched for the ways to create solid storytelling with Jindo Ssitgimgut and make a huge hit on the international stage. It should be noted once more that the pantomime Empty Hands launched Korea's unique performance culture to the world stage by making great use of the traditional Korean cultural contents.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.187-242
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• 2022

This article was conducted with the purpose of finding the religious meaning of Jeongeup (井邑) by paying attention to two areas of inquiry. The first examines religious interpretations of the place names of peaks, mountains, and villages that have already existed have existed since ancient times. The second area of inquiry looks into religious narratives about Jeongeup that appear in scriptural records of the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (1901~1909) as performed by Kang Jeungsan. Looking at these to areas of inquiry together, the place names and topography inherent in Jeongeup and Kang Jeungsan's various Jeongeup-related Reordering Works, can be summarized as embodying characteristics of 'beginning (始)' and 'origin (本)' which can be further likened to the meaning of 'water (水)' in a 'well (井).' First, Jeongeup equates to the heavenly origin of the Gucheon Sangje (Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven) faith in Jeungsan Thought. Mangje (Emperor-awaiting) Peak is a peak that represent the wish for the Lord's descent to earth. Seonmang (Immortal-awaiting) Village is a village that was waiting for an immortal. Jeung (Steamer-on-Cauldron) Mountain (Jeungsan 甑山) is a mountain on the earth and also the honorific name later taken by Kang Il-Sun. In relation to Jeungsan, it is interpreted that Jeungsan was born and incarnated in the village as a human in response to a plea from all divine sages, buddhas, and bodhisattvas, who had existed since the dawn of time and came to wish for salvation of humankind. This is because both Mangje Peak and Seonmang Village are connected to the meaning of 'mang (望 to await).' Second, the Reordering Works of Jeungsan which related to Jeongeup show that Jeongeup has carries the meaning of 'beginning (始源)' and 'origin (本源).' The character, Jeong (井), in Jeongeup is seen as a place that contains water energy, and symbols and allusions referring to this can be found in various Reordering Works. As a symbol or allusion, the well can be seen as a new start, the lives of all people of the world, the purification of the world, and returning to the original root everything. These symbolic images can be found in the life of Kang Jeungsan from his incarnation to his passing into Heaven. This is because Jeong can allude to the origin by the Ninth Heaven, the beginning of the Later World's paradisiacal land of immortals, and the end of the Former World (Seoncheon 先天).

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.143-191
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• 2019

This research argues that Pansori had patrons in its development. Patrons are commonly discussed aspect of history of any art form. Pansori is no exception. While Pansori originally began as the art of the common people, Yangban class became the primary audience. This paper examines the role of royal family of Choson dynasty in development of Pansori. Heungseon Daewongun (흥선대원군) in particular was a Pansori aficionado. The record around Daewongun's involvement to Pansori proves that heavy monetary investment was made. He hosted Pansori competitions and sponsored creation of Pansori tradition, Boseong Sori (보성소리) and Gangsanje (강산제). Also the aspect of Pansori patronage lies not just in Yangban class, but also in Jung'in class, which is roughly analoguous to European bourgeois in that they were not of Yangban class, but had gained monetary status, and had aesthetics of both Yangban and commoner class. I argue that Heungseon Daewongun's ties to the Jung'in class is reflected in his actions towards Pansori artists. The traditions he had sponsored have important characteristics, including sophisticated lyrics heavily utilizing Classical Chinese poetry, highly artistic musical composition, and conservative Confucian ethics. Those characteristics indicate that the Pansori traditions sponsored by the royal patrons have changed to cater to their artistic taste and philosophy. This paper conducts a textual comparative analysis between Gangsanje Pansori Jeokbyeokga (강산제 판소리 적벽가), Dongpyeonje's Pansori Jeokbyeokga (동편제 판소리 적벽가), and Seopyeonje Pansori Jeokbyeokga, who share the same plot yet offers a stark differences in tone, philosophy, and sense of humor. Daewongun was a primary sponsor of Pansori, which proves that Yangban class and the royal family have played important role as patrons of Pansori.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.