• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.415-443
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• 2012

The moral instruction expresses and conveys a abstract objects so called moral. And it pursues occurrence of moral meaning contained a emotion. In these respects, there is a resemblance between moral instruction and artistic symbolic language. Meanwhile, the poetry are a typical form of artistic symbolic language, and especially poetic symbolism is a representative and possible way that expresses accepting a meaning of abstract objects. Then a moral instruction needs to be poetic symbolism. The poetic symbolism that a moral instruction intends to resemble is a linguistic expression, but at the same time that is a expression beyond a linguistic limitation for conveying the metaphysical meaning. For this, the poetic symbolism reveals visible and concrete vehicles that imply invisible and metaphysical tenor. At this point, poetic symbolism is characterized with sameness, implicitness, polysemy, context, allness. The poetic symbolism having these characters appears personal symbol of poet as combined with creative imagination, and is experienced poetic meaning as combined with creative imagination of reader. The moral instruction as a poetic symbolism offers learning experience similar to poetic experience. The moral instruction as a poetic symbolism would be constructed not a logical or prosaic explain but symbolic form that can draw various moral meaning. For this construction, first, we might find a symbolic media for materialization of teaching contents. Second, moral teaching should be constructed to be searching moral meaning of symbolic media. Third, moral teaching should be constructed to be interpreting moral meaning of symbolic media. When teacher can construct moral instruction as possible as similar to poetic symbolism, student can learn moral meaning combined with emotion through their response and interpretation to the teaching. It is very similar to good poem that is sympathized and accommodated poet's theme by reader.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.641-659
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• 2009

Since Plath killed herself in 1963, the theme of death has become one of the central motifs and allusions in her work. The biographical emphasis continues to blur the boundary between the artistic world and the material world. While approaching Plath's work from the perspective of personal experience, the objective of this paper is not to suggest that we encounter Plath's personal voice and emotions directly in her work. Rather, I emphasize how Plath's work of mourning is substantiated in the act of writing. Plath protects herself from the unnamable or the existential void by writing poems. She shows the way in which art or writing enables the subject to confront traumatic memory. While the death drive propels Plath towards destruction, artistic formation serves to alleviate her psychic crisis. What I shall suggest in the paper is how works of art lead the melancholic subject to challenge traumatic events. Plath herself suggests the therapeutic power of language. Plath's hostility toward women as well as men situates her work nearer to the Kristevan psychoanalytic theory which examines depressive anxieties intrinsically linked to the loss of maternal objects. Kristeva's particular focus on the concept of "death-bearing mother" or the unnamable offers a fruitful reading of the representation of infantile fantasies, sexuality, anger, and ambivalence toward lost loved object which clearly dominates most of Plath's poems. Kristeva elaborates mourning and melancholia through the framework of signification and it is of especial relevance in deciphering the recurring death drive and melancholic rage in Plath's work. Melancholic subjects in Plath's work are characterized by an amorphous state, occupying a borderline state regulated by the death drive.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.189-216
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• 2009

The poem Song of Eight Drunken Celestials by Du Fu(杜甫) of the Tang Dynasty was one of the most favored theme by many painters through the Song, the Yuan, the Ming and the Qing Dynasty, as well as in Korea Chosun Dynasty and in Japan. This paper focuses on the paintings depicting Song of Eight Drunken Celestials by Wu Qiu(尤求) of the Ming Dynasty, Kim Hongdo (金弘道) of the Chosun Dynasty and Kaiho Yusho(海北友松) of Japan Momoyama Period, makes a comparative study of them. And also focuses on two preface and a postscript to the painting Eight Drunken Celestials by Yi Dukmu(李德懋), Park Jega(朴齊家) and Yi Bongwhuan(李鳳煥) of the Chosun Dynasty, makes a comparative study of them. This study helps us understand the repetition and the differences between the poem as an Ur-text and the paintings and the prose about the painting as the parody texts.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.10-39
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• 2023

Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.281-312
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• 2011

The aim of this study is to examine various life conditions of actors of Joseon periods in unofficial historical stories. Yadam Literature(Korean unofficial historical stories) had been collected Sadaebu(the past Korean nobility and Confucian intelligentsia) among the people that stories had been handed down orally. and they had been wrote them. So Yadam Literature was heterozygous between the folk culture and the ruling class. And it was mixed and adapted legends and folktales, adding literary imagination. had a decisive role to cultivating novel that owed much to prosaic inspiration during A. D. 18~19. Besides, set a high value on excellent novel itself. Yadam Literature had a verisimilitude because it described a contemporary reality as it was founded on freely prosaic inspiration. In those days, so called Suchok and Seunggwangdae had performed Uhee(a comic theatrical performance) in Joseon periods. Suchok was the lowest class of people and Seunggwangdae was performing Buddhist monk in that time. Uhee had performed three kinds of comedies. One satirized and insinuated kings. Other satirized corrupt officials, too. Another had mimic everything. It is famous at that time as a king knew repertoire. Confucian scholars very were fond of Uhee in those ages. Because they favored a criticism of Uhee's satire. They thought that it gave people good lesson or instruction. Heri Bergson said that comic and Humor included lesson. At that time, those thought were universal in the world whether east or west. At any rate, I classify six kinds of types Uhee in Yadam Literature. First, satirizing and accusing corrupt officials. Second, an actor who use a satire in order to appeal secure a government position of his lord to a king. Third, shamans and actors who use a satire in order to appeal sufferings themselves to a king. Forth, actors and performing Buddhist monks that skillfully mimic anything. Fifth, describing actor's extremely miserable life. Sixth, wit and humor of actors. The contents of Uhee were various. Korean traditional actors adeptly dealt with aspects comic of wit, satire, humor, etc. Sometimes they used changeable transition them. By doing that, a great number of people enjoyed fully the sense of freedom. Korean traditional actors were the lowest class of people. They had lived extremely miserable life. But they had been exist as actions, interactions, and relationship in society those days. they were not only open to people, but also might foster community to peoples.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.25
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• pp.49-73
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• 2006

The poetic theme is a unified principle of which a poet writes poems out in his work. Theme is a poet's central thought expressed in his works. And it was described on the basis of writer's view of the world and life. In this study, I divided the themes of modern Sijo into three kinds according to the materials for a poem. Especially I am interested not so much in the poems taking outer problems of human life for the subject of a poem as in poems dealing with fundamental problems of human life such as self-consciousness, death, God's presence. Firstly, in modern Sijo which deals with poet's self-reflection and self-consciousness as a poet, poets examine himself. And he intends to write poems more severely. The more poet reflects self-consciousness, the more earnestly he tries hard to write good poems. As a poet. he feels complication between real-self and ideal self, so he tries to conquer the shame made in the gab of them. And he takes writing poems into his divinely appointed work in life. A kind of meta-Sijo is written in this circumstances. Secondly, there are modern Sijo, which shows deep concerns in death problems of human life. Thanatopsis expressed in modern Sijo is connected with poet's personal experiences. In most cases, poet describes fragmentary thoughts, sorrows and agony after death of his intimate persons. In Sijo, however, poets don't dig Into the death problem deep enough because of the characteristics of genre. But it is very significant work to take various materials of death into poetic themes in Sijo in that it makes us to reflect of human attitude of life. Thirdly, the poetic themes of dealing with fundamental problems of human and God are expressed in Sijo based on Christian view of the world. In such a poems, poet complains to God who looks in illogical human situations as a spectator of vulgar realities of life. But ultimately. poet expresses deep affirmation and obedience of God in his poems. So he manifests Christianity by the poetic paradox. Such poems change over the theme of modern Sijo the superficial Problems of reality to the deep situation of life.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.133-165
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• 2009

'Travelogue to Shenyang(瀋陽日記)' is a documentary literature that Seon Yak-hae (宣若海) who was a military official of Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty, described matters happened in Shenyang when he visited there as an envoy during early 17th century when Qing(淸) Dynasty and Ming(明) Dynasty coexisted and had diplomatic conflict with Joseon Dynasty. This documentary literature is included in the data collection of China that gathers important historical data of China and has been published and delivered in China, but it hasn't caught attention in Korean academic society. There's another 'Travelogue to Shenyang' which is known in the academic society that is a record of eight years of hostage period of Crown Prince Sohyeon and his group in Shenyang. However, this 'Travelogue to Shenyangl' of Seon Yak-hae is a record of Joseon and other countries' status at that time as well as the Joseon intellectual's activities while visiting Shenyang before the outbreak of the Manchurian Invasion (to Korea) in 1636. Seon Yak-hae who wrote this 'Travelogue to Shenyang' recorded his successful works as an envoy with proud, and showed a unique appearance as a military official and intellect who wanted to observe political and military status of Qing Dynasty secretly and report to his country. Since he was an intellect who had military background, he responded bravely when dealing with diplomatic problem and collected data strategically. He also had the ability as an intellectual official, so he wrote realistic articles and also wrote some poems to express his honest feelings in this peculia Travelogue. Therefore, this ' Travelogue to Shenyang' has both values as a historic records that showed diplomatic status of Joseon in the 17th century and literature records that showed unique spirit to record as an intellect who also had military mind.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.179-209
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• 2013

This study takes as its text "Yangarok", the record written by Mukjae Lee Mun Geon (1494-1567) about his grandson rearing and examines the conflicts between the grandfather and the grandson. The reason it is focused on the conflicts between the grandfather and the grandson particularly among many aspects of Yangarok is that the paper notices the dual feelings of love and hatred lying in the mind of Mukjae, the subject of the narrative. Because the record of grandson rearing plainly reflects the dual elements of the grandfather, love and hatred, expectation and disappointment, and hope and resignation, it shows the acute conflicts between the two persons well. At the time of the grandson's birth, Mukjae went through a gloomy period both in family and socially. He had to taste tremendous frustration in the status as an exile pushed back from the center of the political world, and his only son was handicapped, so he could not expect his caring after that. Spending each day in such frustration, he faced the birth of his grandson just like a miracle. However, the excitedness and expectation he had in the beginning of the child raising were turned into disappointment and complaining as time went by. His change lets us think about the distance between love and hatred existing in human relations. This study analyzes Yangarok but is focused on the conflicts between the grandfather and the grandson for further discussion, so it attempts to understand Yangarok from a different perspective. First of all, Chapter 2 of this article notices the fact that cause results in effect and examines the ultimate factors raising grandfather-grandson conflicts. Next, Chapter 3 considers the concrete aspects of grandfather-grandson conflicts. Based on the above examination on the causes and aspects of the conflicts, Chapter 4 focuses on the value that Yangarok has as the material for introspection and lays the ground to think about the messages that this record implies for contemporaries.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.110-118
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• 2015

Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, one of the Goosanseonmoon of Shilla Dynasty, calls for a study in the field of landscape architecture because it has very significant elements in cultural and ecological landscaping aspects. This study examined the changes in landscaping elements of Borimsa Temple since the 17th century in order to newly recognize cultural landscaping value of space composition elements for traditional temple and to verify landscape architectural position. For research method, literatures such as Sajeonggi (事蹟記), Joongchanggi, a surveyed map by Fujishima Gaijiro in 1928 and Joseon Gojeogdobo (朝鮮古蹟圖譜) and modern documents including Borimsa Temple Precision Ground Survey Report and photographic records of National Archives of Korea and provincial governments were examined together with a field survey in order to trace changes in landscape elements such as buildings within the temple site, pond and temple forest. The results are as the following: First, for geographical locations of Borimsa Temple, it is located in an auspicious location and Shipyuknahansang and Cheonbul were placed in a supplementary purpose according to the contents of Bojoseonsatapbi. Compared to Namhwaseonsa Temple in China, it has a similar environmental composition but the fact that buildings were placed on platforms is a distinctive difference. Second, architectural landscape of Borimsa Temple went through the Japanese colonial era and Korean War and still going through changes today. Thus, there shall be some appropriate measures such as to establish an archive of past landscape data. Third, the contents of Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi suggests that the pond of Borimsa Temple had been in a indeterminate form with stones on the outer edge. Its name could have been Yongcheon (湧泉) according to the contents of Joongchanggi. Also, the current landscape, in comparison with past photographs, is a result of changes from surface raise occurred by ground reinforcement within the temple site. Fourth, Jangsaengpyoju (長生標柱) mentioned in Bojoseonsatapbi and Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi was thought to be the dried juniper tree in front of Daewoongbojeon, which can be found in past photographic documents but, it is now assumed to be Seokbihyeong (石碑形) considering the Gukjangsaeng and Hwangjangsaeng of Dogapsa Temple of the similar time period. Moreover, Hongsalmoon mentioned in Joongchanggi was established by King's order after the Manchu war of 1636 in praising of Buddhist monks those who had volunteered to fight for the country. Fifth, it is apparent in Borimsa Temple Joongchanggi that geomancy was a consideration in landscaping process of Borimsa Temple, and the record indicates that pine trees, bo trees and persimmon trees were planted. Sixth, tea tree forest was verified of its historical root that is Seongchailyeo from Unified Shilla through passing down of Jeong Yak-yong's Goojeunggoopo method and relevant documents of Seon Master Choui and Yi Yu-won. Seventh, nutmeg tree forest suggests that nutmegs were used in national ceremonies and for medical uses. The nutmeg tree forest was also verified of its role as Naehwasoorimdae (a forest built to prevent fire from spreading) through aerial photographs and placement of a forest reserve.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.59
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• pp.207-275
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• 2019

This archiving project of the survivors of suicide was done with the survivor supporting team of the Seoul Suicide Prevention Center. The survivor supporting team was operating a Self-help Support Group for the emotional support of the survivors of suicide. A Self-help Support Group is a place for the survivors of suicide to regularly meet and share their suffering by talking of topics hard to discuss elsewhere. As the Self-help Support Group progressed members who acted as the leader of the group appeared. They formed an essay group that writes together. Two fathers who lost their sons, two mothers who lost their daughters, a mother who lost her son, a wife who lost his husband. The essay group met each week in a place facing Sajik Park. Through the windows that took up the whole side of the room, evening was coming in. The things that happened during the day went away towards Inwang mountain following the setting sun. Ten people (six members of the essay group, three from the survivor support team, a historian for unique conversation) sat around a table, facing each other. "Now, what shall we do?" History for unique conversation is a time that archives life by sharing conversations. At times a complete stranger, and other times people who share their ordinary lives sit around together (3-9 people, sometimes about 15). On the table there is coffee, bread, fruits and salads, and sometimes a dish someone heartily prepared. When a bottle of wine is placed on the table, each takes a glass. Morning, afternoon, the time the evening is welcomed in, late night. It does not matter which. For six months, 3 hours when meeting every week, 6 hours when at every other week. A room where the ambience is like that of a kitchen where sunlight enters, or a cozy living room is the best location. However, there are many times when it is held in a multipurpose room in the suburbs where many meetings are held, or in a classroom of a school. The meeting place is decided according to different situations of the time. There are no participation requirements as it is said to be for themselves to write down according to archiving form while looking back their lives thoroughly, and they are the only ones to stop themselves. The archives landscape from far away would seem like trying to do some talking. However, when going into a microscopic situation one must leave themselves to the emotional dynamics. It is because it archives the frustration and failures one experienced through life. A participator of history for unique conversation must face the sufferings of their life. The archiving project took place in 2013 to 2014. Many years have passed. Has the objective distance for archiving the situation of that time been secured? That may be uncertain, but I will speak of a few stray thoughts on archiving while depicting the process and method of operation.