• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.366-396
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• 2000

This research paper has examined the question of the year of the publication of the wood block print, Mukujeonggwang Dae Darani Gyeong(Pure light Dharani Sutra). Published in Korea sometime before 751, it is known to be the oldest existing document printed with wood blocks in the world. Recently, a Chinese scholar claimed that this sutra was translated into Chinese in 701 and printed in Reoyang, China, in 702. These claims have lead to international symposiums and research papers on the Mukujeonggwang Dae Darani Gyeong. However, although diverse opinions and research were presented by various scholars, they all seem to be far fetched and do not answer the essential question of the sutra. The evidence in historic records shows that the translation into Chinese was done in 704 and not in 701. After it was translated into Chinese, it came to Korea and was printed with wood blocks. When Sokkatap was built in 751, a copy was placed in the pagoda. Moreover, the inscription on the sarira casket states that the construction of the pagoda was based on the theory of Jotapsasang contained in the sutra. Thus this proves that Mukujeonggwang Dae Darani Gyeong had to have been printed before 751.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.109-125
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• 2008

Recently, there has been an increase in excavation studies of wood pagodas from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Shilla periods and new data related to wood pagoda erection are being found bringing about progress in research on this field. In other words, studies on wooden pagodas in Korea were composed mainly of flat, axis construction techniques and sarijangeomgu, but by acquiring new data, it has now become possible to study not only the stylobate construction procedure and transition, but also studies on restoring wooden pagodas. Furthermore, pagoda sites similar to this were found in China and Japan as well, making it possible to make comparative studies among ancient wooden pagodas possible. In this paper, the main remains were set as Baekjae wooden pagodas, which were the most frequently studied and among the wooden pagodas, the simcho (central base stone) and sarira housing locations. In result, simcho can be found changing its position from underground ${\rightarrow}$ halfway underground ${\rightarrow}$ above ground. Baekjae wooden pagodas up until the mid sixth century located at Neungsan-ri saji (AD 567) and Wangheungsaji (AD 577) had its simcho located underground and later it was constructed halfway underground and then above ground. It was confirmed that in the 7th century, it became customary to place above ground as seen in the Jaeseoksaji (AD639) and Hwangnyongsaji (AD645) wooden pagoda sites. The sarira was usually located on the south side of the simcho, but gradually changed to the center. In particular, sarira were combined in the simcho in the mid sixth century at the Wangheungsaji. This is approximately 11 years earlier than the Bijosa (AD 588) simcho found in Japan and this was not found even in the simcho of wooden pagodas in Yeongnyeongsa (AD 516) and Jopaengseong temple (AD 535~561) of China showing that the Wangheungsaji simcho was the earliest of its kind.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.744-754
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• 2015

Buddhist temple construction at East Asia is considered one of the most important architecture activities together with the capital city and palace, where the pagoda is positioned at the center of a Buddhist temple as the most important element of Buddhist architecture enshrining Buddha's Sary. Accordingly, this study was performed to examine the procedure of how to build brick pagodas through the stone pagoda's internal structure between $7^{th}{\sim}9^{th}$ century while disassembling and repairing Andong Jotap-ri five-story brick pagoda. As a result, as the brick pagoda destruction phenomenon, there was a slip phenomenon by side forces, member's plastic temperature, and mixed material differences. Second, like a stone pagoda, brick pagoda is classified and constructed by the design and structural parts. According to the analysis, the design part is formed by the most edge brick, and the structure part places stone material at the buffer zone in the design brick from most edge brick and intra-center, i.e., at the space to support a side force while the top weight is vertically led. When building a brick pagoda, putting a wood pole at inside center plays the role as holding parts. In addition, the center axis is connected to the bottom of the steel pole hole, A steel pole hole has holes to safely settle down and decide the position. Because of them, the steel pole is self-loaded, which may be installed by wood rather than immovable steel.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.137-151
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• 2012

In 1966, $Seokgatap$ pagoda in $Bulguksa$ temple was damaged by the tomb robbers and was dismantled to fix the damage. In the process, many offerings to Buddha and containers for Sarira(the cremated remains) were found in $Sarigong$(specially designated space for the Sarira casket) inside the second floor of the pagoda. Many fabrics like $Geum$, $Neung$(twill), $Rha$(complex gauze), silk tabby and linen were also excavated. In this study, $Geum$ fabric from the $Seokgatap$ was closely examined. $Geum$ of $seokgatap$ is weft-faced compound weave according to the analysis of its weaving pattern which was wrongly presumed as warp-faced compound weave for some time. Technical analysis of $Geum$: Main: silk, Binding: silk, Proportion: 1 main warp to 1 binding warp, Count: 15 main warps and 15 binding warps per centimeter, Weft: polychrome silk without apparent twist, Colors: yellow, mustard yellow, deep blue, green and purple, Weave: weft-faced compound twill, 1/2 S. $Geum$ of $Seokgatap$ was made in the $8^{th}$ century, since it was weaved in weft-faced compound weave twill which was popular in the $8-9^{th}$ century. And also, the arrangement of the colors was done in the same way of gradation $Geum$ silk which was popular in the $7-8^{th}$ C in China and Japan. Third, we restored the pattern of $Geum$ of the Unified Shilla Dynasty for the first time. It was very difficult to figure out the shape and the size of pattern since the fabric was partially lost and ruined. We tried to draw the diagram of structure with the cross point of the warp and the weft to restore the pattern. By doing so, we could identify two kinds of small flower pattern, palmette and the pattern of repeating vines. Fourth, we could infer that the $Geum$ of $Seokgatap$ was used for $geumdae$(a pouch made of $geum$) by analyzing all the documents and the characteristics of the fabric.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.153-182
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• 2021

The Buddhist monk, Kim Ji-jang (金地藏), a native of Silla, is still revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva in China. In Chinese Buddhism, Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is unique in at least two ways. First, it is said that his becoming the bodhisattva originated not in Silla, but in China, a foreign country. Second, it is said that the historical person became regarded as a mythical being, Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Bodhisattva can be divided into three periods. The first period is the period of entering and practicing at Mount Jiuhua in China, and this also includes the period wherein he was first revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The second period begins immediately after Kim Ji-jang's death and ends three years later. In this period he became regarded as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The third period spans three years after his death to the present age. His status as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva carries on at present. There are two main causes for Kim Ji-jang's transformation into the bodhisattva. The first is an internal bodhisattva process. According to Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva's main vow, Kim Ji-jang's practice and edification impressed the public. The second is an external bodhisattva process. The miracles that appeared at the time of his death or the manifestation of the incorruptible relics three years after his death played a decisive role in the process of Kim Ji-jang becoming a bodhisattva. In line with the public's devotion, the Chinese imperial family repaired and supported the temple that enshrined the relics of Kim Ji-jang. Various factors could be analyzed in the process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, but more than anything else, it was Kim Ji-jang's severe ascetic practices and his virtuous edification of others.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.90-119
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to investigate the significance of Buddhist stone art in the cultural zone of Mt. Bukhan. Mt. Bukhan witnessed the prevalence of Buddhist culture in and around it since the introduction of Korean Buddhism and served as the center of Buddhist culture in the nation, where new Buddhist temples continued to be built from the Three Kingdoms Period to the Joseon Period. Of the characteristics of its Buddhist culture, it is very noteworthy that the construction of military temples in and around it in the latter half of Joseon supported the function of Buddhist temples as basic places of worship. These military temples were closely related to the mountain's geopolitical location, traffic routes, and position in the national defense system-- its mountain fortress was an important defense facility. The stone art works of Mt. Bukhan can be categorized into various types, including stone stupas, stone pagodas, rock-carved Buddhas, stone Buddhas, towers and monuments (stone monuments), stone lanterns, flagpole supports, and rock-carved sarira pagodas. There are diverse types of stone art left on the mountain. As for its period characteristics, it is clear that the Buddhist art of Silla spread even to the Gyeonggi region, and that most of the works of stone art were created during the first half of Goryeo and the latter half of Joseon. Starting in Goryeo, the Buddhist temples of the mountain maintained close relations with the royal court by operating as the royal buddhist shrine for the royal family. In the latter part of Joseon, the construction of the Bukhan mountain fortress became the most important opportunity to produce stone art. As for the distribution of the stone artwork, it was usually created in the west part of the mountain from Unified Silla to the first half of Goryeo and in the southern and eastern parts of the mountain from the latter half of Goryeo to the latter half of Joseon. It is estimated that central Buddhist temples of the mountain changed due to Silla's military goal of advancing toward the west coast along the Han River in its early days and the construction of the Bukhan mountain fortress in the latter half of Joseon to protect the capital city. Finally, the stone art of Mt. Bukhan holds very high significance in art history because various types of stone art continued to be created on and around the mountain, the stone artwork of the mountain reflected representative styles for each period, and e rare and ofthe works produced on the mountain exemplified rare and unique styles.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.190-205
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• 2016

Buddhist stupas, which are a symbolic architecture of Buddhism and enshrine the Jinsinsari of Buddha, were reinvented as stone stupas appropriate for the natural soil of Korea from existing wooden stupas around the 7th century after the introduction of Buddhism. Later, the construction of a stone stupa was expanded to local areas from the central area around the 9th century; thus, stone stupas of more diverse local colors were built in a nationwide scale, and today it is called a "country of stone stupas". While focusing on the stylistic interchanges between stone stupas, which were established in each region in accordance with the localization of the establishment of stone stupas that was begun actively from the 9th century, this paper selected several cases of stone stupas among about 50 stone stupas in the Gangwondo-region. First, the study compared the stone stupas and Buddhist priest tower of Seollimwonji, Jinjeonsaji, and Geodonsaji, which are located at the same temple site as the current Buddhist priest tower, from among typical Silla style stupas that match the 9 stone stupas in the Gangwon-do region. This is because stylistic interchanges were possible while there were mutually organic relationships between Buddhist statues such as stone stupas, Buddhist priest towers, stone lanterns, and Buddhist pedestals, which used the same stone material along with the expansion of Buddhism to local areas in accordance with the spread of Zen Buddhism in the 9th century. Second, a comparison was made of the stylistic similarities between the Woljeongsa Palgakgucheong (eight sides nine-storied) stone stupa and the Sinboksaji Samcheung (three-storied) stone stupa, which are totally different in regard to the number of stories and the flat form. These two stone stupas are representative Goryeo stone stupas. The Woljeongsa stone stupa is a Goguryeo-oriented stone stupa with many sided multiple stories whereas the Sinboksaji stone stupa has been known as an early case of the insertion of the support of Tapsin in each story. Although the two stone stupas may look very different, but through close investigation it was confirmed that there were many stylistic interchanges between them and not only the seated stone Buddha statue in the cylinder jewel case in front of the stupa but also the stone stupa established by the same master. Consequently, this paper aimed not merely to mention the simple patterns of stone stupas, but, further, to trace the interchange in patterns in accordance with the construction period based on those patterns.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.34
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• pp.124-136
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• 2001

Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.234-257
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• 2024

Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light (Gwi) (LKH 10703) donated by the family of the late Lee Kun-Hee to the National Museum of Korea in 2021 is a calligraphy album consisting of sixty-two leaves compiled using butterfly binding. It contains Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light, "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong," a postscript by Kim Jeonghui, and an appreciation record by Oh Sechang. This paper has revealed that this album is identical to the material that Suematsu Yasukazu introduced in Volume 15 of the journal Cheonggu hakchong in 1934 and that it includes elaborate copies of Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light and "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong" on yellow Chinese paper, both of which were excavated from inside the Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple in Gyeongju in 1824. It has also reconfirmed that it is highly probable that the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light that Jo Byeongsun, the former director of the Seongam Old Books Museum, unveiled in 1998, is a transcription of the original sutra excavated from Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple in Gyeongju. Moreover, it has concluded that the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light owned by Park Cheolsang is likely to be another example of copying the transcription of the original sutra excavated from the Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple in Gyeongju. In the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee KunHee, six of the Chinese characters promulgated by Empress Wu were used fifteen times in total. Four of the characters of Empress Wu were utilized ten times in the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light (national treasure, Bulguksa Temple collection) found among the reliquaries from the Three-story Stone Pagoda at Bulguksa Temple in Gyeongju and were also seen in the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee Kun-Hee. The use of the same characters of Empress Wu and other variant characters suggests that both the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee Kun-Hee and the Bulguksa sutra were based on an edition distributed in the Unified Silla Period during the eighth century. Kim Jeonghui confirmed the exchange of calligraphy between Korea and China through studies on bronze and stone epigraphs. He believed that the Great Dharani Sutra of Undefiled Pure Light and "Record of the Production of Mugujeong Pagoda by the Order of King Munseong" excavated from Mugujeong Pagoda at Changnimsa Temple were authentic materials showing the elegant calligraphic styles that prevailed before the Ouyang Xun style. Thus, the album of copies donated by the estate of Lee Kun-Hee holds great historical and artistic significance in that it is a rare example of Kim Jeonghui's evidential study of a transcribed sutra and an original record of the production of a pagoda from the Unified Silla period.