• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.80-100
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• 2024

This paper investigated the major history and reality of iconological composition for Jagyeongjeon Hall's flowered wall in Gyeongbokgung Palace, which was controversial in terms of preservation and management of cultural heritage. While analyzing the moment and cause of the flowered wall's renovation as it is now, modified or disappeared patterns were identified, and meaningfully misinterpreted congratulatory phrases were reviewed. The research results can be used as meaningful basic data when discussions are made for the restoration of the wall in the future. Jagyeongjeon Hall's flowered wall has reached the present day with large and small changes, but the inflection point that had a significant impact was the Joseon Expo (朝鮮博覽會) held at Gyeongbokgung Palace in 1929. This is because the wall that remained in the Jagyeongjeon Hall area was demolished to build an exhibition hall while preparing for the expo, and it was restored after the end of the event. It is highly likely that the modification or disappearance of the patterns constituting Jagyeongjeon Hall's flowered wall was also due to the restoration process carried out after the expo. There is a view that was transformed into its current state in the process of repair work carried out after the Korean War, but it is difficult to find any meaningful circumstances and evidence. Currently, character patterns known as 'Seongnidori(聖人道理)' are arranged on the inner wall of the section from Gyeongdomun Gate(擎桃門) to Yeogangmun Gate(如岡門), but considering the design form and example, it can be read as 'Seongjasinson(聖子神孫)'. The inner wall of the section from Yeogangmun Gate to Yeonsumun Gate(燕壽門) was originally made in the form of a flowered wall, and the phrases presumed to be 'Gyegyeseungseung(繼繼繩繩)' and 'Cheonse(千世)' were arranged. In the case of the section from Yeonsumun Gate to Hamgyumun Gate(含奎門), the inner wall where the pattern has disappeared is originally composed of geometric and character patterns, and there were also phrases specified as 'Cheonsu(千壽)' and 'Mansemansu(萬世萬壽)'. On the outer wall of the section from Yeonsumun Gate to Hamgyumun Gate, there is a possibility that the phrase known as 'Nakgangmanse(樂彊萬歲)' can be read as 'Cheonsemanse(千歲萬歲)'. In addition, the current outer wall was composed of one drawing board, but in the past, two drawing boards were composed separately.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.41-66
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• 2017

The purpose of this research is to empirically trace the junctures of Yigye-gugok managed by Gwan-am Hong Gyeong-mo, a grandson of Yigye Hong Yang-ho who originally designed Yigye-gugok, while reviewing the features of the forms and patterns of gugok. The results of the research are as follows. 1. Ui-dong was part of the domain of the capital during the Chosun dynasty, which also is located in the city of Seoul as a matter of administrative zone. Likewisely, Yigye-gugok is taken as a special meaning for it was one and only gugok. Starting with Mangyeong Waterfall as the $1^{st}$ gok, Yigye follows through the $2^{nd}$ gok of Jeokchwibyeong Rock, the $3^{rd}$ gok of Chanunbong Peak, the $4^{th}$ gok of Jinuigang Rock, the $5^{th}$ gok of Okkyeongdae Rock, the $6^{th}$ gok of Wolyeongdam Pond, the $7^{th}$ gok of Tagyeongam Rock, the $8^{th}$ gok of Myeongoktan Stream, and the $9^{th}$ gok of Jaeganjeong Pavilion. Of these, Mangyeong Waterfall, Chanunbong Peak, and Okkyeongdae Rock are distinct for their locations in as much as their features, while estimated locations for Jinuigang Rock, Wolyeongdam Pond, Myeongoktan Stream, and Jaeganjeong Pavilion were discovered. However, Jeokchwibyeong Rock and Tagyeongam Rock demonstrated multiple locations in close resemblance to documentary literatures within secretive proximity, whereas geography, scenery, and sighted objects were considered to evaluate the 1st estimated location. Through these endeavored, it was possible to identify the shipping routes and structures for the total distance of 2.1km running from the $1^{st}$ gok to the $9^{th}$ gok, which nears Gwanam's description of 5ri(里), or approximately 1.96km for gugok. 2. Set towards the end of the $18^{th}$ century, Yigye-gugok originated from a series of work shaping the space of Hong Yang-ho's tomb into a space for the family. Comparing Yigye-gugok to other gugoks, numerous differences are apparent from beyond the rather more general format such as adjoining the $8^{th}$ gok while paving through the lower directions from the upper directions of the water. This gives rises to the interpretation such that Yigye-gugok was positioned to separate the doman of the family from those of the other families in power, thereby taking over Ui-dong. Yet, the aspect of the possession of the space lends itself to the determination that the location positioned at the $8^{th}$ gok above Mangyeongpok Waterfall representing Wooyi-dong was a consequence of the centrifugal space creation efforts. 3. While writings and poetic works were manufactured in such large quantities in Yigye-gugok whose products of setters and managers seemed intended towards gugok-do and letters carved on the rocks among others, there is yet a tremendous lack of visual media in the same respect. 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting offers the traces of Gwanam's attempts to engrave gakja at the food of Yigye-gugok. This research was able to ascertain that 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting was a product of Hong Yang-ho's collections maintained under the auspices of the National Central Museum, which are renowned for Song Shi-yeol's penmanship.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Groundwater Environment
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.103-115
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• 2000

The formation of brown-colored precipitates is one of the serious problems frequently encountered in the development and supply of groundwater in Korea, because by it the water exceeds the drinking water standard in terms of color. taste. turbidity and dissolved iron concentration and of often results in scaling problem within the water supplying system. In groundwaters from the Pajoo area, brown precipitates are typically formed in a few hours after pumping-out. In this paper we examine the process of the brown precipitates' formation using the equilibrium thermodynamic and kinetic approaches, in order to understand the origin and geochemical pathway of the generation of turbidity in groundwater. The results of this study are used to suggest not only the proper pumping technique to minimize the formation of precipitates but also the optimal design of water treatment methods to improve the water quality. The bed-rock groundwater in the Pajoo area belongs to the Ca-$HCO_3$type that was evolved through water/rock (gneiss) interaction. Based on SEM-EDS and XRD analyses, the precipitates are identified as an amorphous, Fe-bearing oxides or hydroxides. By the use of multi-step filtration with pore sizes of 6, 4, 1, 0.45 and 0.2 $\mu\textrm{m}$, the precipitates mostly fall in the colloidal size (1 to 0.45 $\mu\textrm{m}$) but are concentrated (about 81%) in the range of 1 to 6 $\mu\textrm{m}$in teams of mass (weight) distribution. Large amounts of dissolved iron were possibly originated from dissolution of clinochlore in cataclasite which contains high amounts of Fe (up to 3 wt.%). The calculation of saturation index (using a computer code PHREEQC), as well as the examination of pH-Eh stability relations, also indicate that the final precipitates are Fe-oxy-hydroxide that is formed by the change of water chemistry (mainly, oxidation) due to the exposure to oxygen during the pumping-out of Fe(II)-bearing, reduced groundwater. After pumping-out, the groundwater shows the progressive decreases of pH, DO and alkalinity with elapsed time. However, turbidity increases and then decreases with time. The decrease of dissolved Fe concentration as a function of elapsed time after pumping-out is expressed as a regression equation Fe(II)=10.l exp(-0.0009t). The oxidation reaction due to the influx of free oxygen during the pumping and storage of groundwater results in the formation of brown precipitates, which is dependent on time, $Po_2$and pH. In order to obtain drinkable water quality, therefore, the precipitates should be removed by filtering after the stepwise storage and aeration in tanks with sufficient volume for sufficient time. Particle size distribution data also suggest that step-wise filtration would be cost-effective. To minimize the scaling within wells, the continued (if possible) pumping within the optimum pumping rate is recommended because this technique will be most effective for minimizing the mixing between deep Fe(II)-rich water and shallow $O_2$-rich water. The simultaneous pumping of shallow $O_2$-rich water in different wells is also recommended.

• Journal of the Korean Vacuum Society
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.563-575
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• 2006

Ti(C,N) films are synthesized by pulsed DC plasma enhanced chemical vapor deposition (PEMOCVD) using metal-organic compounds of tetrakis diethylamide titanium at $200-300^{\circ}C$. To compare plasma parameter, in this study, $H_2$ and $He/H_2$ gases are used as carrier gas. The effect of $N_2\;and\;NH_3$ gases as reactive gas is also evaluated in reduction of C content of the films. Radical formation and ionization behaviors in plasma are analyzed in-situ by optical emission spectroscopy (OES) at various pulsed bias voltages and gas species. He and $H_2$ mixture is very effective in enhancing ionization of radicals, especially for the $N_2$. Ammonia $(NH_3)$ gas also highly reduces the formation of CN radical, thereby decreasing C content of Ti(C, N) films in a great deal. The microhardness of film is obtained to be $1,250\;Hk_{0.01}\;to\;1,760\;Hk_{0.01}$ depending on gas species and bias voltage. Higher hardness can be obtained under the conditions of $H_2\;and\;N_2$ gases as well as bias voltage of 600 V. Hf(C, N) films were also obtained by pulsed DC PEMOCYB from tetrakis diethyl-amide hafnium and $N_2/He-H_2$ mixture. The depositions were carried out at temperature of below $300^{\circ}C$, total chamber pressure of 1 Torr and varying the deposition parameters. Influences of the nitrogen contents in the plasma decreased the growth rate and attributed to amorphous components, to the high carbon content of the film. In XRD analysis the domain lattice plain was (111) direction and the maximum microhardness was observed to be $2,460\;Hk_{0.025}$ for a Hf(C,N) film grown under -600 V and 0.1 flow rate of nitrogen. The optical emission spectra measured during PEMOCVD processes of Hf(C, N) film growth were also discussed. $N_2,\;N_2^+$, H, He, CH, CN radicals and metal species(Hf) were detected and CH, CN radicals that make an important role of total PEMOCVD process increased carbon content.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.74-100
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• 2022

The purpose of this study was to investigate the characteristics of Chinese seowons and to obtain data based on the characteristics of waterscapes unique to Korean seowons. The conclusion of this study from the results of investigation and analysis of the location, water system, and design characteristics of 10 representative traditional seowons in China including Yuelu Seowon(嶽麓書院) conducted based on literature research and field observation is as follows. The water system of Chinese seowons is dualized into an inner and an outer water system, and in general, two and a maximum of three water bodies are superimposed on the outside. The locations of seowons are classified into five types: Four double-sided round water type sites, three converted face water type sites, one three-sided round water type site, a four-sided round water type, and a waterproofing type(依山傍水型). Therefore, compared to the typical Korean seowon facing water in the front and a mountain in the back(背山面水型), the Chinese seowons showed a highly hydrophilic property. The water shapes of the external water system were meandering(46.0%), mooring(36.0%), and broad and irregular(9.0%). In addition, water conception(水態) were streams(31.8%), rivers(27.3%), springs(13.6%), falls(9.1%), lakes(4.5%) and ponds(4.5%), in that order. As for waterscapes of the water system inside the seowon, there were seven in Akrok Seowon and four in Mansong Seowon, indicating a comparatively higher number of waterscapes. Since the 27 detailed waterscapes in 10 seowons that were the subject of the study were classified into six types including ponds and half-moon ponds, they appeared to be more diverse than the Korean seowon. It is noteworthy that in the interior waterscape of the traditional Chinese seowon, the ritualistic order, where at least one half-moon pond or square pond(方池) was arranged, is well displayed. In particular, the half-moon pond(伴池), which is difficult to find in Korean seowon, was found to be a representative waterscape element, accounting for 42.8%. If the square pond of Nanxi Seowon based on Zhu Xi's poem 「Gwanseoyugam(觀書有感)」 is also treated as a square-shaped half-moon pond, the proportion of half-moon ponds in the waterscape will be as high as 50%. The pond shapes consisted of 28% square, 24% each for free curve and round shape, 20% for semi-moon shape, and 3.8% for mountain stream type. This seems to differ greatly from the square-shaped Korean seowon. On the other hand, there were a total of 10 types of structures related to the waterscape inside the Chinese seowon: 11(26.8%) pavilion and bridge sites, five gate room sites(牌坊: 16.5%), four gate and tower sites(樓, 1.4%), two Jae sites(齋, 6.2%), and one site each(3.1%) of Heon(軒), Sa(祠), Dae(臺), and Gak(閣). In particular, the pavilions inside seowon were classified into three types: landscape pavilion(景觀亭 27.2%), tombstone pavilion(碑亭, 18.2%), and banquet pavilion(宴集亭, 54.5%). In general, it was confirmed that the half-moon pond with a pedestal bridge, and the pavilion were the major components with a high degree of connection that dominate the waterscape inside the Chinese seowon.