• Journal of radiological science and technology
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.137-144
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• 2005

To find the personal radiation dose of radiological technologists, a survey was conducted to 623 radiological technologists who had been working at 44 general hospitals in Korea's 16 cities and provinces from 1998 to 2002. A total of 2,624 cases about personal radiological dose that were collected were analyzed by region, year and hospital, the results of which look as follows : 1. The average radiation dose per capita by region and year for the 5 years was 1.61 mSv. By region, Daegu showed the highest amount 4.74 mSv, followed by Gangwon 4.65 mSv and Gyeonggi 2.15 mSv. The lowest amount was recorded in Chungbuk 0.91 mSv, Jeju 0.94 mSv and Busan 0.97 mSv in order. By year, 2000 appeared to be the year showing the highest amount of radiation dose 1.80 mSv, followed by 2002 1.77 mSv, 1999 1.55 mSv, 2001 1.50 mSv and 1998 1.36 mSv. 2. In 1998, Gangwon featured the highest amount of radiological dose per capita 3.28 mSv, followed by Gwangju 2.51 mSv and Daejeon 2.25 mSv, while Jeju 0.86mSv and Chungbuk 0.85 mSv belonged to the area where the radiation dose remained less than 1.0 mSv In 1999, Gangwon also topped the list with 5.67 mSv, followed by Daegu with 4.35 mSv and Gyeonggi with 2.48 mSv. In the same year, the radiation dose was kept below 1.0 mSv. in Ulsan 0.98 mSv, Gyeongbuk 0.95 mSv and Jeju 0.91 mSv. 3. In 2000, Gangwon was again at the top of the list with 5.73 mSv. Ulsan turned out to have less than 1.0 mSv of radiation dose in the years 1998 and 1999 consecutively, whereas the amount increased relatively high to 5.20 mSv. Chungbuk remained below the level of 1.0 mSv with 0.79 mSv. 4. In 2001, Daegu recorded the highest amount of radiation dose among those ever analyzed for 5 years with 9.05 mSv, followed by Gangwon with 4.01 mSv. The area with less than 1.0 mSv included Gyeongbuk 0.99 mSv and Jeonbuk 0.92 mSv. In 2002, Gangwon also led the list with 4.65 mSv while Incheon 0.88 mSv, Jeonbuk 0.96 mSv and Jeju 0.68 mSv belonged to the regions with less than 1.0 mSv of radiation dose. 5. By hospital, KMH in Daegu showed the record high amount of average radiation dose during the period of 5 years 6.82 mSv, followed by GAH 5.88 mSv in Gangwon and CAH 3.66 mSv in Seoul. YSH in Jeonnam 0.36 mSv comes first in the order of the hospitals with least amount of radiation dose, followed by GNH in Gyeongnam 0.39 mSv and DKH in Chungnam 0.51 mSv. There is a limit to the present study in that a focus is laid on the radiological technologists who are working at the 3rd referral hospitals which are regarded to be stable in terms of working conditions while radiological technologists who are working at small-sized hospitals are excluded from the survey. Besides, there are also cases in which hospitals with less than 5 years since establishment are included in the survey and the radiological technologists who have worked for less than 5 years at a hospital are also put to survey. We can't exclude the possibility, either, of assumption that the difference of personal average radiological dose by region, hospital and year might be ascribed to the different working conditions and facilities by medical institutions. It seems therefore desirable to develop standardized instruments to measure working environment objectively and to invent device to compare and analyze them by region and hospital more accurately in the future.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.38 no.2 s.247
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• pp.157-163
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• 2005

Background: Clinical outcomes of esophageal cancer have not been satisfactory in spite of the development of surgical skills and protocols of adjuvant therapy. We analyzed the results of corrective surgical patients for esophageal cancer from January 1992 to July 2002. Material and Method: Among 129 patients with esophageal cancer, this study was performed in 68 patients who received corrective surgery. The ratio of sex was 59 : 9 (male : female) and mean age was $61.07\pm7.36$ years old. Chief complaints of this patients were dysphagia, epigastric pain and weight loss, etc. The locations of esophageal cancer were 4 in upper esophagus, 36 in middle, 20 in lower, 8 in esophagogastric junction. 60 patients had squamous cell cancer and 7 had adenocarcinoma, and 1 had malignant melanoma. Five patients had neoadjuvant chemotherapy. Result: The postoperative stage I, IIA, IIB, III, IV patients were 7, 25, 12, 17 and 7, respectively. The conduit for replacement of esophagus were stomach (62 patients) and colon (6 patients). The neck anastomosis was performed in 28 patients and intrathoracic anastomosis in 40 patients. The technique of anastomosis were hand sewing method (44 patients) and stapling method (24 patients). One of the early complications was anastomosis leakage (3 patients) which had only radiologic leakage that recovered spontaneously. The anastomosis technique had no correlation with postoperative leakage, which stapling method (2 patients) and hand sewing method (1 patient). There were 3 respiratory failures, 6 pneumonia, 1 fulminant hepatitis, 1 bleeding and 1 sepsis. The 2 early postoperative deaths were fulminant hepatitis and sepsis. Among 68 patients, 23 patients had postoperative adjuvant therapy and 55 paitents were followed up. The follow up period was $23.73\pm22.18$ months ($1\~76$ month). There were 5 patients in stage I, 21 in stage 2A, 9 in stage IIB, 15 in stage III and 5 in stage IV. The 1, 3, 5 year survival rates of the patients who could be followed up completely was $58.43\pm6.5\%,\;35.48\pm7.5\%\;and\;18.81\pm7.7\%$, respectively. Statistical analysis showed that long-term survival difference was associated with a stage, T stage, and N stage (p<0.05) but not associated with histology, sex, anastomosis location, tumor location, and pre and postoperative adjuvant therapy. Conclusion: The early diagnosis, aggressive operative resection, and adequate postoperative treatment may have contributed to the observed increase in survival for esophageal cancer patients.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.51-56
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• 2019

Purpose: The usefulness of using single-electron radiation for secondary radiotherapy of breast cancer patients after surgery is assessed and the use of a combine of different energy. Methods and materials : In this study, 40 patients (group A) using energy 6 MeV and 9 MeV, and 19 patients (group B) using a combine of 9 MeV and 12 MeV were studied among 59 patients who performed secondary care using combine electronic radiation. Each patient in each group, 6 MeV, 9 MeV, Combine(6 MeV / 9 MeV) and 9 MeV, 12 MeV, Combine (9 MeV / 12 MeV) were developed in different ways, and the maximum doses delivered to the original hospital, D95, D5, and $V_3$, $V_5$, $V_{10}$ were compared. Result: The D95 mean value of Group A treatment plan was $785.33{\pm}225.37cGy$, $1121.79{\pm}87.02cGy$ at 9 MeV, and $1010.98{\pm}111.17cGy$ at 6 MeV / 9 MeV, and the mean value at 6 MeV / 9 MeV was most appropriate for the dose. The mean values of the low dose area $V_3$ and $V_5$ in the lung of the breast direction being treated were $3.24{\pm}3.49%$ and $0.72{\pm}1.55%$ at 6 MeV, the highest 9 MeV at $7.25{\pm}4.59%$, $3.07{\pm}2.64%$, the lowest at 6 MeV. Maximum and average lung dose was $727.78{\pm}137.27cGy$ at 6 MeV / 9 MeV, $49.16{\pm}24.44cGy$, highest 9 MeV at $998.97{\pm}114.35cGy$, $85.33{\pm}41.18cGy$, and lowest 6 MeV at $387.78{\pm}208.88cGy$, $9.27{\pm}6.60cGy$. The value of $V_{10}$ was all close to zero. Group B appeared in the pattern of Group A. Conclusion: Relative differences in low-dose areas of the lungs $V_3$ and $V_5$ were seen and were most effective in the dose transfer of tumor bed in the application of combined energy. It is thought that the method of using electronic energy in further radiation treatments for breast cancer is a more effective way to use the energy effect of limiting energy resources, and that if you think about it again, it could be a little more beneficial radiation treatment for patients.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.4-31
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• 2018

It is difficult to ascertain exactly when the Hongjuupseong (Town Wall) was first constructed, due to it had undergone several times of repair and maintenance works since it was piled up newly in 1415, when the first year of the reign of King Munjong (the 5th King of the Joseon Dynasty). Parts of its walls were demolished during the Japanese occupation, leaving the wall as it is today. Hongseong region is also susceptible to historical earthquakes for geological reasons. There have been records of earthquakes, such as the ones in 1978 and 1979 having magnitudes of 5.0 and 4.0, respectively, which left part of the walls collapsed. Again, in 2010, heavy rainfall destroyed another part of the wall. The fortress walls of the Hongjuupseong comprise various rocks, types of facing, building methods, and filling materials, according to sections. Moreover, the remaining wall parts were reused in repair works, and characteristics of each period are reflected vertically in the wall. Therefore, based on the vertical distribution of the walls, the Hongjuupseong was divided into type I, type II, and type III, according to building types. The walls consist mainly of coarse-grained granites, but, clearly different types of rocks were used for varying types of walls. The bottom of the wall shows a mixed variety of rocks and natural and split stones, whereas the center is made up mostly of coarse-grained granites. For repairs, pink feldspar granites was used, but it was different from the rock variety utilized for Suguji and Joyangmun Gate. Deterioration types to the wall can be categorized into bulging, protrusion of stones, missing stones at the basement, separation of framework, fissure and fragmentation, basement instability, and structural deformation. Manually and light-wave measurements were used to check the amount and direction of behavior of the fortress walls. A manual measurement revealed the sections that were undergoing structural deformation. Compared with the result of the light-wave measurement, the two monitoring methods proved correlational. As a result, the two measuring methods can be used complementarily for the long-term conservation and management of the wall. Additionally, the measurement system must be maintained, managed, and improved for the stability of the Hongjuupseong. The measurement of Nammunji indicated continuing changes in behavior due to collapse and rainfall. It can be greatly presumed that accumulated changes over the long period reached the threshold due to concentrated rainfall and subsequent behavioral irregularities, leading to the walls' collapse. Based on the findings, suggestions of the six grades of management from 0 to 5 have been made, to manage the Hongjuupseong more effectively. The applied suggested grade system of 501.9 m (61.10%) was assessed to grade 1, 29.5 m (3.77%) to grade 2, 10.4 m (1.33%) to grade 3, 241.2 m (30.80%) and grade 4. The sections with grade 4 concentrated around the west of Honghwamun Gate and the east of the battlement, which must be monitored regularly in preparation for a potential emergency. The six-staged management grade system is cyclical, where after performing repair and maintenance works through a comprehensive stability review, the section returned to grade 0. It is necessary to monitor thoroughly and evaluate grades on a regular basis.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.102-142
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• 2023

The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.54-79
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• 2024

The purpose of this research is to fill the vacuum created by the tendency of bias towards China among the curators of Korean museums who plan exhibitions focusing on Balhae, and to share with researchers in the countries concerned various supplementary research materials that could deepen their understanding of the history of Balhae. These materials are based on analyses of the details of exhibitions about Balhae held in a particular Russian museum and the characteristics of and changes in the museum's operational policy. Thus, this research focuses mainly on the permanent and special exhibitions held by the Far East History Museum and Reserve, whose collection represents the archaeological achievements of Russia regarding the history of Balhae. The first part of the research focuses on the layout of the exhibitions presented by the museum and the museum's operational policy. It reveals that the museum's permanent exhibitions follow a diachronic arrangement of the local history, while the first and second special exhibitions featured exhibits that were selected from the collections of the Russian Academy of Sciences and arranged according to specific themes. It also examines the museum's policy for operating the exhibitions, focusing on the operational rules, the human resources deployed to run them, and the related educational and PR programs. The second part of the research examines such issues as local politics, economy, education and culture related to the exhibitions on Balhae's history, and connects them to the background and development of the exhibitions. This study reveals that the permanent exhibitions were intended to promote historical awareness of the local area by museum visitors, particularly those who visited the exhibitions while the city was hosting important events such as international summits. It also reveals that the museum's first special exhibition led to the promotion of Korea-Russia cooperation on exchanges in the fields of culture and tourism, whereas the second special exhibition involved no PR efforts or related events, which was probably due to the changes that have occurred in the relationship between Russia and its neighboring countries since then. The final part of the study focuses on the characteristic features of the exhibition narratives, and compares school textbooks on local history and history books for general readers with the contents of the exhibitions. The analysis of the narratives based on the development of time shows that the history of the Mohe (or Malgal) tribes has been combined with that of Balhae, while they are treated separately in school textbooks. As regards political history, the narrative was largely focused on officials in Balhae's central government rather than on Mohe warriors in the border areas. The maps of Balhae presented in the exhibitions highlight the importance of accumulating empirical data. As for the exhibition of material cultures, this study suggests that the museums should obtain more archaeological floral and faunal remains related with agriculture and hunting. It also points out that the narrative on the theme of foreign relations deals with the archaeological relics of Unified Silla together with those of the Turkic tribes. As for the theme of philosophy and culture, the narrative focused on the state ceremonies and rituals of Goguryeo, a theme that has attracted little attention among Korean academic circles and which consequently requires further study. In conclusion, this study is meaningful in that it suggests a number of research topics regarding the development of exhibitions and exhibition narratives about the history of Balhae by a prestigious Russian museum that specializes in this subject.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.126-144
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• 2024

The chrysanthemum vine pattern box from the Goryeo Dynasty expresses in great detail the representative features of Goryeo Dynasty lacquerware with mother-of-pearl, such as engraving patterns on the surface of fine mother-of-pearl, expressing vine stems using metal wires, and twisting metal wires to form the boundaries of each patterns. While the lacquerware with mother-of-pearl that remains today from the Goryeo Dynasty has the form of a sutra box and a box with lid, the chrysanthemum vine pattern box that is the subject of this study is in the shape of a box with a separate lid and body, making it difficult to estimate the purpose of production or the stored contents. In this study, we attempted to confirm the formative characteristics of the chrysanthemum vine pattern box in order to confirm its original form, and to investigate its structure and production technique through X-ray transmission. In addition, we attempted to identify the use and production purpose of the box by classifying and comparing the previously known lacquerware with mother-ofpearl from the Goryeo Dynasty by type. As a result of the investigation, fabric was confirmed the bottom of body and inner box through X-ray images. Through this, it was confirmed that the 'Mogsimjeopichilgi'(wooden core grabbing fabric technique) of wrapping the object with fabric was used. And through wood grain, it was possible to confirm the wooden board composition of the part presumed to be the restored part and the part presumed to have had existing Jangseog. In addition, it was confirmed that the joints were connected in a Majdaeim(part to part). Based on the survey results, a total of 14 pieces, including 9 Sutra boxes, 3 boxes, and 2 small boxes, that remain from the Goryeo Dynasty were classified by type and examined for similarity. Among them, there is a "Chrysanthemum Vine Pattern Sutra Box" from a private collection in Japan, a "Black Lacquered Chrysanthemum Arabesque Bun Sutra Box" from the Tokugawa Art Museum, a "Sutra Holder" from the British Museum, and a "Small Box with a Mother-of-Pearl Chrysanthemum Vine Pattern" from a private collection in Korea. The pattern composition of five points was most similar to the subject of this study. As a result of comparing the damage pattern, formative characteristics, and structural features of each part, it is presumed that the sutra holder in the British Museum was transformed into its current form from the original the chrysanthemum vine patterned box. Lastly, in order to confirm the purpose of production, that is, the use of this box, we investigated examples of Tripitaka Koreana printed version produced at a time similar to the social atmosphere of Goryeo at the time. Following the Mongol(元) invasion after the Goryeo military regime at the time, sutras appeared to pray for the stability of the nation and the soul of an individual, and with the development of domestic printing and paper in the 13th century, it gradually coincided with the transition from a scroll to a folded form, and the form of a box changed from a box. It is believed that the storage method also changed.