• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.79-110
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• 2023

The purpose of this research is to explore the relation between Brexit and division in various areas within the British society. This research can lead to understanding how division of the British society and the decision of Brexit was mutually influenced. The UK's withdrawal from the EU has been explained mainly through the relations between the EU and the UK; therefore, issues of immigration, EU regulation, and the UK's EU rebate are considered as major reasons. In addition, 'British identity' or 'British exceptionalism' existing in the British society and politics for a long time has been regarded as a reason for Brexit. Although it is generally accepted that Brexit results in the division in the British society, the reasons mentioned above have limitation to explain the result of referendum and the division of the British society in the post-Brexit era. In this sense, this research explores the division in various areas - generation, social grade including income and education level, value and region, etc. - revealed in the British society is not the result of Brexit; rather, this research argues division deeply rooted in the British society before referendum is the root cause of Brexit. The division in various areas immanent in the British society for a long time is complicatedly intertwined, and the decision on Brexit by referendum has led to solidifying the division of the British society. Having considered this division in the British society has been expanded to rancour, it is necessary for the UK to establish appropriate policies for national cohesion.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.325-348
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• 2016

This study aims to identify the representation of migrants in the English-language media during the Brexit campaign period. For the purpose of this study, the methodological tool of corpus-assisted discourse studies(CADS) was employed and a collection was compiled of articles mentioning Brexit in British, American, Canadian, and Australian media from April 15 to June 22, 2016 in order to compare their portrayals of migrants. To examine how IMMIGRANT, MIGRANT, and REFUGEE are represented in the media, their collocates were analyzed by MI score and categorized by social actor categorization(Van Leeuwan, 1996). The results show that IMMIGRANT is related to collocates that refer to legal status and provenance, MIGRANT associated with economic terms, and REFUGEE relates to terms expressing quantities. The results also reveal that migrants are frequently depicted by functionalization, classification, and appraisement categorization and are more negatively portrayed in British and American media. This paper claims that corpus-assisted linguistic analysis of words enables one to identify salient linguistic patterns or lexical choices in the discourses about a particular phenomenon or group of people.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.446-462
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• 2021

The aim of this paper is to examine the long-standing regional disparities and social division in the UK which are considered one of the crucial facts of Brexit. Since Brexit, also, the changed regional development policies are reviewed. Regarding policy perspective, we delve into the process of the UK government's strategic policy choices, such as privatisation of public enterprises and financial reform, amid the neoliberal globalisation in the late 1970s, drawing its implication to us having similar problems. Besides, the UK's self-sustaining regional development fund, policy, and changed governance are dissected with several ongoing debates. Finally, this study asserts the necessity of the social consensus of regional disparity policies and the establishment of the spatial environment particularly in regions left behind, giving the quality and equity of life.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.67-81
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• 2016

This paper examines the influence of Brexit on container volume of Korea, especially of macroeconomic variables such as exchange rate and industrial production of EU and United Kingdom. To do this, we use monthly time series data during 2000-2016, and introduce the analysis method of cointegration test and VECM, and analyze the influence of industrial production and exchange rate of EU and U.K. on container volume of Korea. The results are as follows. First, the container volume of Korea is influenced by the exchange rate and industrial production of EU in the long run. But the exchange and industrial production of U.K. influenced on only export container volume of Korea, and the influence of U.K. macroeconomic variables on container volume of Korea was not large in the long lun. Second, In the shot run, the influence of exchange rate on container volume of Korea, especially on export container volume was significant in EU and U.K. To sum up, the influence of EU macroeconomic variables on container volume of Korea is larger than that of U.K., and the influence of exchange rate variable is more significant than that of industrial production variable.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2019

This study aims to explore the implications of the 2019 European Parliament elections. Existing studies show that European elections serve as secondary elections dominated by domestic issues. However, the 2019 European elections have highlighted pan-European issues such as the Brexit negotiations and the rise of far-right populism, with voter turnout also rising sharply to 50.62%, which is the highest record since the 2000s. There was also a significant change in the number of parliamentary seats held by each political group. First, the European People's Party(EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats(S&D), which had hitherto led the European Parliament, failed to achieve a majority. Second, the number of seats won by Renew Europe, a new liberal-centrist group, was considerably high. Third, the far-right groups organized a full-fledged political force by rallying around the Identity and Democracy(ID) group. The rise of liberal-centrism can be explained as a reaction to the popularity of anti-European populism. Renew Europe's emphasis on open-market competition has created a different issue, especially since the center-left and center-right groups have stressed on the need for state intervention in employment, welfare, security and immigration control. Along with far-right populism, liberal centrism has also reshuffled Europe's political cleavage, and the conflict between 'liberalism' and 'protectionism' has become more evident in the European Parliament.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2017.01a
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• pp.273-274
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• 2017

대한민국 20대 총선, 영국의 유럽연합 탈퇴인 브렉시트, 트럼프와 힐러리의 대결인 미국 대선, 이 셋의 공통점은 언론의 예측과 다른 투표 결과가 나왔다는 점이다. 이러한 일련의 사건들로 인해, 각종 언론사에서 실시하고 있는 표본조사의 신뢰도에 대한 근본적 재검토의 필요성이 제기되고 있는 실정이다. 본 논문에서는 선거 후보자 지지율을 효율적이며 효과적으로 분석하기 위하여 SNS 감정분석을 제안한다. SNS 감정분석은 기존의 표본을 구하고 분석하는 방식보다 더 빠르게 표본 수집 및 분석이 가능하다. 또한 R프로그램과 구글을 이용하여 처리하기 때문에 기존 방식에 비하여 매우 저렴하다. 현재 언론사의 예측이 빗나가고 있는 시점에서 SNS 감정분석이 훌륭한 대안이 될 수 있을 것이다. 본 연구에서의 트래픽*감정분석 점수를 보았을 때, SNS 감정분석이 여론을 더 정확히 반영한다는 것을 증명한다.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.93-106
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• 2020

Trade is an important economic activity. In particular, since the establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the scope of trade has been expanding due to events such as the entry of China into the WTO in 2001, the establishment of a multilateral trading system, mitigation and integration of trade barriers, and the establishment of the free trade agreement (FTA). Despite the expansion of the trade market, however, extreme events such as the 2008 global financial crisis, the 2016 Brexit, and the 2018 US-China trade war have had a direct negative impact on the trade market. Therefore, the present this study analyzed the dependence structure between the international shipping freight rate index, a variable representing trade activities, and the trade uncertainty between the US and China. The following is a summary of the analysis results. First, the US-Chinese trade policy uncertainty and international shipping freight rate index presented a Frank copula and rotated Clayton copula 270° distribution, respectively, showing the same distribution structure for each country. Second, the Kendall's tau correlation revealed a negative dependence between the international shipping freight rate index and US-Chinese trade policy uncertainty. The degree of dependence was greater in the combination of uncertainty in China's trade policy and international shipping freight rates. In other words, the dependence of global demand and trade policy uncertainty confirmed that China was stronger than the US. Finally, the tail dependence results revealed that the US-Chinese trade policy uncertainty and international shipping freight rates were independent of each other. This means that extreme events related to the trade policy uncertainty or international shipping rate index were not affected by each other.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.85-92
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• 2022

In recent years, the world's free trade system has been severely damaged by a series of protectionist measures in the United States and anti-globalization practices such as Brexit. Against this background, RCEP, the world's largest trade agreement, was officially signed on November 15, 2021. The RCEP provided a good working basis for the establishment of a Korea, China, and Japan free trade zone. First, this paper describes the current status of Korea-China-Japan trade cooperation and the current status of the trilateral telecommunication industry. Second, this paper simulates the changes in the overall economy of China, Japan, and Korea when tariffs are reduced to 0%, 5%, and 10%, respectively, after the establishment of a free trade zone using the 8th edition GTAP database. Then, using the simulated data changes and using the 2019 data as a benchmark, we calculated the changes in the RCA index for the three countries' telecommunications industries for the three tax rates. In the end, it is concluded that the economies of the three countries will grow to different levels in many ways when the Korea, China, and Japan free trade zone is established. Japan's telecommunications industry will not be significantly affected, Korea will grow significantly with higher tax rates and China will grow significantly with lower tax rates.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.18-37
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• 2024

This study examines migrant workers' occupational health and safety issues through a case study of the UK construction industry, focusing on structural vulnerabilities. Migrant workers are at the bottom of the hierarchically fragmented labour market, performing outsourced hazardous work. Structural vulnerability focuses on the social structures that create hierarchies and increase risk in the workplace, rather than on individual responsibility or 'cultural' differences of migrant workers. The study considers the structural factors that perpetuate the migrantisation of risk in the UK construction industry, focusing on the structural necessity of low-wage migrant labour, precarious employment and the legal status of migrant workers, and discusses how these three factors interact to increase migrant workers' vulnerability to health and safety. The migrantisation of risk is not only a matter of occupational health and safety or universal workers' compensation, but also of the intertwining of labour migration policies with employment structures that rely on low-wage, low-skilled labour. This calls for proactive measures to address structural risks that go beyond passive declaratory policies that do not exclude migrant workers from education, training or legal systems.