• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.161-186
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• 2014

Recently, the social concerns on well dying come to the fore as important discourse on dignity of human death, which detonation by the problem of euthanasia. Well dying means 'good death' the meaning of a word, and it means 'prepared death', 'decented death' 'beautiful death' by extention of sematic context like this as a general rule. In this paper the writter have considered that how the view of Buddhism's death contribute to the discourse on well dying, which regarding death as the starting point, death conquest as the finishing point of the theory. The Buddhism's discourse on the attitude interpretation conquest process of death contributed to formation of abundant discourse on well dying, especially the view of Buddhism is able to contribute to conquest of death anxiety and death education, that death conquest interpret to spiritual psychological phenomenon not physical physiological eternal life (or immortality) and conquer death through enlightenment on reality of things by spiritual psychological change.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.9-35
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• 2016

This study examined Songgye Na-sik's(松桂懶湜, 1684~1765) literary world based on Priest Songgye's Anthology(松桂大禪師文集). In consideration of the insufficiencies of the only previous study on Songgye's literature, this study was focused on his ideological character and its historicity, the trend of literary exchange in the Buddhist circle, and the literary geographical aspect of his literature. Priest Songgye was the head of the Bonghwa-sa Temple in Andong during the years under the rule of Kings Sukjong and Yeongjo, and learned from Hwanseong Ji-ahn(喚醒志安, 1664~1729) and Nakam Eui-nul(落巖義訥, 1666~1737). The priest did not have many students under him nor leave numerous writings. In the process of the development of the Buddhist doctrines in the late Joseon Dynasty, however, he completed the scripture learning courses faithfully and laid the ground of his philosophy. In addition, the afterword of Hwaeomgyeongchilcheogupumhoipummok (華嚴經七處九會品目跋) shows that he compiled the book under his teacher's instruction. What is more, he is known to have devoted himself to belief in the Pure Land in his late years. Given these backgrounds, the priest's life, writings, and ideological tendencies pursued all of Zen, Hwaeom, and the Pure Land together, and at the same time, reflected the characteristics of Korean Buddhism in the 18th century. The priest steadily cultivated himself in poetry and established his own literary world, and all the outcomes were fully reflected in his anthology. Priest Songgye walked the road of a learner throughout his lifetime but, on the other hand, he established his identity as a literary man in the specific time and space of Andong, Yeongnam in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.227-259
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• 2013

This study objected books having been imported from China until the 7th century when unification was made among the three kingdoms together with distributed books by Korean nationals after compiling them, and clarified main characteristics by investing their whole pictures. The three kingdoms had imported books from China from the 5th century, and made them reflect to the enactment of laws and regulations, introduction of educational system, promotion of learning, international diplomacy, and national history compilation etc for settling down the ancient nation. And Buddhism having been transmitted to the Korean Peninsula in the late 4th century was nothing more than simple handing-down Buddhist scriptures in early stage, but teaching and learning developed into levels of forming new sects after the 7th century when the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras was introduced, so the study paid attention to a fact that full-scale compilation of our collection literature was appearing. As the result of analyzing the phenomena of book distributions till the 7th century when the three kingdoms were unified in this way, transmitted books showed concentrating aspects to confusion and Buddhist literature mainly, and books having been compiled by Korean nationals themselves appeared high in history books of the three kingdoms and collection literatures of Buddhism, and also a fact was grasped such like Sohak books required for basic learning and professional ones on science fields were imported from other countries. Most books having been distributed in the three kingdoms at that time were imported from the 6th century really, so majority of them seemed to be supplied with manuscript forms. However, this study considered the possibility of using bamboo scriptures on history books such as Liugi(留記) and Seogi(書記) etc that had been compiled before the 5th century at the three kingdoms.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.123-152
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• 2023

This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.115-151
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• 2021

According to Lee Young-geum, the ideas of grievance resolution and mutual beneficence were already present in shamanism. She also insists that Jeungsan merely theorized upon these ideas by inheriting them and his religious activities must be identified from within a shamanistic worldview. Contrary to Lee's claim, Cha Seon-keun argues that the grievance resolution of Jeungsan is far beyond the contents and level of development found in shamanism. He also insists that Jeungsan's religious activities must be identified as having a certain orderly uniqueness distinct from shamanism. The argument between these two different perspectives has not attracted other researchers besides those who are directly involved. However, this debate deserves attention with regard to the problem of how one approaches a given religion and which academic perspective should be applied. Based on the perspective of the Daesoon Jinrihoe, this study examines their debate by considering four issues. Firstly, whether Jeungsan inherited or expanded upon the subject of grievance resolution and its range remains undetermined. Secondly, the ethics of mutual beneficence and grateful reciprocation in Jeungsan's concept of grievance resolution should be analyzed as to whether that idea reasserts the ethics of shamanism. Thirdly, it is necessary to study whether his method of grievance resolution fully embraced the methods of grievance resolution that exist in shamanism. Lastly, it should be determined whether or not Jeungsan's religious activities and system of thought should be identified within a shamanistic worldview. Through this review, Lee and Cha can be shown to have different opinions on the academic approach to research on religion. Accordingly, this study concludes that Lee's method of only interpreting Jeungsan's religious thought via a shamanic worldview is incompatible with academic methodology. A scholar of religious studies should discuss Jeungsan on his own merits rather than just imply that Jeungsan thoroughly reflects the worldview of shamanism, doctrinal studies of Buddhism, and Daoist thought as well as other theologies. In other words, if certain tangible and intangible elements found in shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Daoism, and Christianity are also observed in Jeungsan's religious thought, it is necessary to comprehend how different or similar those elements are or whether they are re-interpreted in any manner. In the case of Lee, her method of overemphasizing similarities is now criticized as outdated. Nowadays, it is necessary to demonstrate awareness of modern religious studies tendency to pay equal attention to similarities and differences.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.126-147
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• 2018

The compositions and iconographies of the three Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations produced in the early Joseon Dynasty effectively manifest the transitional period of Joseon society as well as the Joseon people's perception of the Pure Land. In particular, the painting at titled Chionji (知恩寺) dated 1435 and another painting at titled Chion' in (知恩院) from 1465, which were commissioned by the Joseon royal family and high-ranking monk, embody the Pure Land faith of the Tiantai School of Buddhism (天台宗) which thrived during the late Goryeo period. This indicates that the Joseon royal court continued to favor the Pure Land faith that emphasized salvation through "self-power" (自力), which was popular among both the royal family and the nobility of Goryeo. On the other hand, in the painting at titled $H{\bar{o}}rinji$ (法輪寺), which is presumed to have been made in the sixteenth century, the compositions and iconographies shown in late Goryeo examples of the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations are disassembled. Moreover, a new iconographical motif, i.e. "welcoming the dragon boat" (龍船接引), emerged with this painting. This motif symbolizes the idea that the souls of the deceased are guided by Amitabha Buddha to rebirth in the Pure Land of Extreme Bliss, which is based on the "other-power" of the Pure Land faith that emphasizes the power of Amitabha Buddha in attaining salvation rather than the educational "self-power" of the Pure Land faith. The emergence of this motif demonstrates the transformation of the Pure Land belief into a faith that relied on the "other-power" of Amitabha in Joseon's Confucian society.