• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.53-75
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• 2016

This article presents a descriptive analysis on national security policy platforms promoted by the ruling parties of South Korea during general and presidential elections. National security platforms made during the elections campaigns are a window that allows us to see how the ruling party perceives the threat environment, opportunity-structures, policy preferences and material capabilities faced by the state. South Korea presents a unique case since it faces constant military threats from North Korea and interacts with China and the United States. Therefore, the national security policy platforms, which are explicitly campaigned during the general and presidential elections, showcases the worldview of the ruling party. The study essentially focuses on three areas of the platforms - its threat perception on North Korea, the ROK-US alliance and the future vision for the Korean peninsula by covering two presidential elections and three general elections for the last 20 years.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.5-38
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• 2018

A seismic change is under way in diplomatic topography surrounding the Korean Peninsula. A new dynamic is being generated that could lead to a breakthrough in the nuclear stalemate and to an end of hostility between the two Koreas. Moon Administration's bold and creative foreign policy, which is alleged to place South Korea in the "driver's seat", is probably responsible for what is happening on the Korean Peninsula. However, on the other hand, Moon Administration's foreign policy shows a lot of continuity with foreign policy of previous conservative governments. In particular, the Moon government's emphasis on the vitality of the ROK-US alliance and its commitment to close coordination with the US in dealing with nuclear issues of North Korea is the hallmark of the continuity in South Korea's foreign policy. Emphasizing and sharing the notion of the continuities in foreign policy could contribute to social integration by garnering bi-partisan support. It could also spawn sense of stability, predictability, and confidence to diplomatic counterparts in other countries. And it could help avoid the negative effects of expectation-reality gap in the event that the outcome of all the diplomatic endeavor falls short of expectation held by citizens.

• Proceedings of the Korean Nuclear Society Conference
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• 1996.05d
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• pp.494-501
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• 1996

북핵문제 해결의 대안으로 제기된 대북경수로제공 논의에서 우여곡절 끝에 '한국형경수로 제공'과 '한국의 중심적 역할'이 결정되고 이를 주관할 국제 컨소시엄인 한반도에너지개발기구(KEDO)가 구성되어 북한과는 공급협정을, 한국전력공사와는 주계약자지정합의서를 체결함으로써 상업계약 체결에 관계없이 일단 사업 착수를 위한 큰 틀이 갖추어지게 되었다. 이에 따라 울진 3, 4호기를 참조발전소로 한 경수로 2기가 우리의 주도로 2003년을 목표 시한으로 함남 신포 인근에 건설되게 되었다. 부지조사도 대체로 마무리되어, 곧 환경영향평가 작업이 있을 예정이다. 약 45억 달러가 소요될 건설 비용은 한국이 대부분을, 일본이 상당부분을, 미국이 일부를 맡기로 대체로 합의되어 있으나, 최종 확정에 앞서 논란의 소지가 남아 있으며, 사업 참여 지분을 두고도 KEDO 참여국 간에 갈등이 예상된다. 이 사업의 의의는 크게는 어려움을 겪고 있는 북한의 에너지난 타개를 지원함으로써 그들을 개방으로 이끌어 남북간 화해와 세계평화를 조장하며, 작게는 우리의 원자력산업이 세계시장으로 뻗어 나가기 위한 계기를 마련하는데 있다. 이를 통해 포지티브 섬으로서의 통일의 초석을 마련한다는 민족적 대의에 충실하고 국가이익에 좌우되는 신국제질서의 생리를 직시함으로써 남북문제에 있어서는 대승적 자세로, 국가간 경비분담과 지분배분 협상에는 자주적 자세로 임함으로써 모처럼 원자력계에 주어진 막중한 소임을 차질없이 완수할 수 있도록 해야 할 것이다.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.61
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• pp.109-129
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• 2020

This study reflects the regional context of Northeast Asian countries embodied in US-North Korean nuclear tension. The researcher uses the methodological inquiry of practical theology to analyze the political affairs and intertwine with religious education. The ecology of religious education to dismantle the threat of ethnic and racial discrimination such as white supremacy supports a shared pedagogy between students and their teachers in the narrative of Jesus to challenge all forms of oppression as the democratic presence of God.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.15 no.6_1
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• pp.33-42
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• 2015

According to the tentative agreement between Iran and Western countries on last July, the Iranian nuclear problem that has been discussed is resolving gradually. It has been discussed for long time. The reason we must observe the agreement process for the Iranian nuclear is that the Korean peninsular is also threatened by the North Korea's nuclear. When it comes to comparing the nuclear issue in two countries, there are very big differences such as political system, structure and the process of nuclear agreement between them. For this reason, some experts say that it is hard to find the implication for solving the North Korea's nuclear problem. However, the others say that we can find the positive factors that have an effect on the North Korea's nuclear problem. This research focuses on analyzing the Iranian nuclear agreement process and successful factors as well as trying to find out the implication to solve the North Korea's nuclear problem. In spite of large point of difference between I ran and the North Korea, the reason we have to find out the positive measure to solve the North Korea's nuclear problem is that this issue is directly related to the Korean peninsular's security.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.69-96
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• 2019

This paper is written to suggest several recommendations for South Korea to deter and defend North Korean nuclear threat, when North Korea does not seem to give up its nuclear weapons and the US's extended deterrence including the nuclear umbrella could remain uncertain. For this purpose, it explains key options regarding nuclear deterrence and defense by non-nuclear weapon state. It evaluates the current status of South Korean non-nuclear preparedness against North Korean nuclear threat and provides some recommendations to improve the preparedness. As a result, this paper concluded that South Korean non-nuclear preparedness against North Korean nuclear threat was not that reliable. The preparedness has weakened since the South Korean effort to denuclearize North Korea through negotiations in 2018. In this sense, South Korea could have serious problems in protecting its people from North Korean nuclear threat if the US promise of extended deterrence is not implemented. South Korea should focus on its decapitation operation to North Korean highest leaders in case of North Korean nuclear attack based on a minimal deterrence concept. It should be prepared to conduct preventive strikes instead of preemptive strikes due to North Korea's development of solid fuel ballistic missiles. It should integrate its Ballistic Missile Defense with that of the US forces in Korea. South Korea should make a sincere effort for nuclear civil defense including construction of nuclear shelters.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.89-130
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• 2018

This paper is to analyse the development of the U.S.-China relationship and pending issues and implications. To this end the paper is composed of 6 chapters titled instruction; the relationship between the US and China in the early and hostile confrontation period; the relationship of US-Chinese approach/normalization period and the relationship in the 1980s and 1990s; the relationship by mid-2010 since the opening of the G2 era; the US-China relations and major pending issues and implications in the era of Trump-Xi Jinping; and conclusion. The rapid growth of China over the past three decades has changed the existing US-centered international order and has triggered competition between the two countries. The United States and China have become the only countries that regularly hold strategic and economic dialogue, and the topic has also developed into a country that discusses not only bilateral relations but also global issues. The issues of US-China cooperation and conflicts encompass global issues as well as bilateral relations issues. For example, the South China Sea, the North Korean nuclear issue and the THAAD, the economic and financial order, and the Taiwan issue. It is not a matter of another country, but a problem that directly or indirectly leads to Korea's diplomacy, security and economy. In order to prevent 'Korea passing' in the US-China relationship, we need a hedging strategy that maintains and strengthens the strong ROK-US security cooperation and harmonious promotion of ROK-China economic cooperation.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.29
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• pp.193-222
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• 2011

Our country successfully hosted the G20 summit in Seoul in November, 2010. Afterwards, however, the Yeonpyungdo shelling incident took place by the North, and the North Korean nuclear issue have strained interKorean relations. Our country is going to host the nuclear security summit, which is of great significance at this point of time. The nuclear security summit is to be attended by 47 countries. The participant countries of this summit is larger in number than those of the ASEM, APEC and the G20 summit that our country has ever hosted. That is a large-scale international conference that invites the UN, the IAEA and the EU, which are three major nuclear-related international organizations. A successful hosting of the nuclear security summit will serve as an opportunity to boost our country's national prestige, and is likely be beneficial to the settlement of the North Korean nuclear issue. Like other international submits in foreign countries, however, violent anti-globalization demonstrations are expected to occur when the nuclear security summit is held in April next year. The purpose of this study was to make a case analysis of demonstrations during multilateral international conferences hosted by foreign countries over ten years between 1999 and 2009, to examine the controversial points over the demonstrations, and ultimately to seek ways of ensuring safety against possible assemblies and demonstrations during the forthcoming nuclear security summit, which is scheduled to be held in April next year. The findings of the study on feasible security measures are as follows: First, information and intelligence gathering should be reinforced, and the inspection should be stepped up. Second, pacification among domestic NGOs and the supplementation of the existing legal devices are required. Third, publicity should be strengthened. Fourth, riot police officers should be selected as early as possible to bolster their education and training, and more reinforced emergency measures should be taken. It's needed to seek assistance from the military as one of emergency measures, and national defense readiness should be bolstered across the nation in collaboration with the Ministry of National Defense when the summit is near at hand. Finally, CBR countermeasures should be taken in preparation for CBR terrorism.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.7
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• pp.577-589
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• 2018

The future of ROK-US alliance has not been discussed in detail by both governments since early 2000s. However, it is becoming more apparent that ROK-US alliance is facing various daunting challenges. The new administrations both in ROK and US might have different perspectives about the future of alliance. In the process of resolving outstanding North Korean nuclear issue, the alliance can face challenges to change its fundamental features such as halting joint military exercise. ROK-US governments also agreed to transfer wartime operational control as soon as possible. All those factors indicates the growing necessity to articulate the future of ROK-US alliance. ROK and US needs to facilitate to dialogue for future alliance with the possible scenarios of changing security environment such as maintaining status quo, reconciliation of North and South Korea, and entering the reunification stage. In each phase, ROK-US has to develop the goal for the alliance, military institution to implement the alliance, role of USFK, and etc. It is imperative to develop the road map for future ROK-US alliance at this stage to avoid unnecessary folly.

• Journal of Advanced Navigation Technology
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.105-110
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• 2018

The North Korea nuclear issue is now posing a serious security threat to the Korea and Northeast Asia. Accordingly, the South Korean military is pushing for the introduction of long-range air-to-surface flights and the development of domestic nuclear facilities that can precisely hit North Korea headquarters building and nuclear facility even hundreds of kilometers above the border. In this paper, we removed the cable braid for securing the weight of the missile among several design elements for long-range air-to-surface missile development and estimated and analyzed the resulting performance. The possibility of braid removal was analyzed in terms of crosstalk inside the cable and CS114, RE101 of MIL-STD-461F.