• 해운
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• no.10 s.32
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• pp.21-26
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• 2006

북한의 핵실험으로 국제사회가 술렁이고 있다. 특히, 유엔 안전보장이사회는 대북제재 결의안을 통과시키는 등 경제적인 제재를 포함한 다각적인 규제방안을 모색하고 있다. 북한의 핵실험은 이제 국제적인 이슈로 부각되었으며, 우리 경제에도 영향을 미칠 것으로 전망되고 있다. 다음은 대외경제정책연구원이 발표한 '북한핵실험이 한국경제에 미치는 영향'을 정리한 것이다

• 한국지구물리탐사학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2010.10a
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• pp.55-55
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• 2010

북한 지난 2006년 2009년에 두차례 핵실험을 실시하였다. 이 핵실험은 한국, 일본, 중국에 위치한 지진관측소에 높은 신호대 잡음비를 보이며 관측이 되었다. 북한 핵실험의 지진파형 자료를 분석하여 북한 핵실험 특성 파악을 수행한다. 또한 지역지진파의 전파 경로별 변화 특성을 살펴본다. 한반도의 경우, 동해의 지각구조가 급격하게 변화하므로 동해를 가로지는 경로상에 급격한 지역지진파 변화가 관측된다. 이러한 지역지진파의 경로별 변화로 인해 관측소별 판정에 있어 어려움을 야기한다. 여러 관측소 자료를 종합 분석하는 핵실험 탐지 방법을 제시하며, 이를 북한 핵실험에 적용한다. 과거 구소련과 미국의 핵실험 자료와의 차이점을 살펴보고, 북한 핵실험의 탐지의 효율성을 위해 고려해야 할 사항에 대하여 토론한다. 과거 두 번의 북한 핵실험의 특징인 스펙트럼상의 모서리주파수 부근 에너지 강화 현상이 강하게 관측되며, P파의 상대적 강화 현상이 관측된다. 또한 2010년 천안함 침몰사건에 대하여 지진학적 기법을 활용하여 천암한 침몰 원인에 대하여 추정한다. 침몰 사건시간대에 기록된 지진파형 기록을 수집하여 분석한다. 3개의 관측소 지진파형 자료가 분석에 활용된다. 지진파의 분석을 통해 진앙위치를 추정하며, 지진파형에 드러난 특성을 통해 천암함 침몰과의 연관성을 유추한다. 또한, 지진파 진폭과 주파수 특성을 통해 진원 특성과 침몰 원인등을 추정한다.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.51 no.6
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• pp.589-593
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• 2018

Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) conducted the $6^{th}$ underground nuclear test at the Punggye-ri underground nuclear test site on September 27, 2017 12 hours 30 minutes of Korean local time. Comprehensive Nuclear-Test Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO) under U.N. announced the body wave magnitude of the event was mb 6.1 while U.S. Geological Survey (USGS)'s calculation was mb 6.3. In this study, the differences of the magnitude estimates were investigated and verified. For this purpose, a source scaling between the $5^{th}$ and $6^{th}$ event, which's epicenters are 200 meters apart, was performed using seismic data sets from 30 broadband stations. The relative amplitude variations of the $6^{th}$ event compared to the $5^{th}$ event in the frequency domain was analyzed through the scaling. The increased amount of the bodywave magnitude $m_b$ for the $6^{th}$ event was calculated at 1 Hz, which was compared to those from USGS and CTBTO's calculations.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.69-92
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• 2018

North Korea conducted a total of six nuclear tests from the 1st test of 2006 to September, 2017. North Korea developed an armed forces security strategy at the level of regime protection and defense to respond to U.S. hostile policy. However, it is certain that strategic goals of North Korea's nuclear test were to overcome a crisis in North Korea's regime through US-North Korea negotiation and complete nuclear armed forces for socialist unification on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's continuous nuclear test is a direct factor in threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and an indirect factor in security dynamics of Northeast Asia. The U.N. Security Council has enforced sanctions against North Korea through six resolutions against North Korea's reckless nuclear test for the past 10 years. However, Kim Jong-Un's regime is in a position to stick to simultaneous pursuit of nuclear and economic development in spite of anti-North sanction of international society including U.N. and U.S.A. It is understood that North Korea was stimulated to conduct intense nuclear test as U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction was not effective on North Korea. Full-scale and local wars are expected as military options, one of anti-North sanctions of the Trump administration. The Trump administration has attempted diplomatic pressure strategy as a secondary boycott unlike previous administrations. Nevertheless, North Korea has stood against U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction with brinkmanship tactics, announcing full-scale military confrontation against U.S. It is judged that North Korea will pursue simultaneous nuclear weapons and economic development in terms of regime survival. North Korea will have less strategic choices in that its regime may collapse because of realistic national strategy between U.S.A. and China.

• Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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• v.18 no.2_spc
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• pp.261-273
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• 2020

North Korea conducted the sixth underground nuclear test on September 3, 2017 at the Punggye-ri Nuclear Test Site (NTS). In contrast to the previous five nuclear tests, several induced earthquakes occurred around the NTS after the sixth nuclear test and this may have caused radioxenon leakages at the site. Considering these reported earthquakes, we performed atmospheric dispersion simulations on some radioxenon emission scenarios for this event using our Lagrangian Atmospheric Dose Assessment System (LADAS) model by employing the Unified Model (UM) based numerical weather prediction data produced by the Korea Meteorological Administration (KMA). To find out possible detection locations and times, we combined not only daily and weekly based delayed releases but also leakages after the reported earthquakes around the NTS to create emission scenarios. Our simulation results were generally in good agreement with the measured data of the Nuclear Safety and Security Commission and International Monitoring System (IMS) stations operated by the Comprehensive nuclear Test-Ban-Treaty Organization (CTBTO).

• Nuclear industry
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• v.13 no.10 s.128
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• pp.12-14
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• 1993

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.3-22
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• 2010

The objective of this paper is to analyze why China's policy toward North Korea after the second North Korean nuclear crisis have plunged into the dilemma between pressure and inducement. This paper stress that dilemma between China's two aims toward North, that is, stability in Korean peninsula and North East Asia, and the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula that can explain China's inconsistent policies on North Korea. As North Korea publicly revealed the intention of nuclear development and China has played the mediator role for protecting its security, China's two aims toward North have faced the situation of a dilemma. Because China's two aims are directly related with stability in the neighbor that pursuit to perform 'economic development' since 1978, China's two aims toward North would not be changed easily. Therefore, as long as North Korea would not make an effort on denuclearization and China continually would maintain two aims on North, it will be continued a dilemma between China's policies toward North.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.16 no.3_2
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• pp.13-23
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• 2016

North Korea had recently conducted the fourth nuclear test and ICBM tests, dared nuclear provocation targeting the Korea and the international community. It is determined based on experiments of nuclear and missile in progress in North Korea that the technical level of nuclear force reached the completion stage of standardization, lightweight, and variation. It is expected to become reality that North Korea executes the nuclear provocation targeting the Korea and the international community in the near future. Nuclear bomb is an absolute weapon that the logic of counterattack after allowing the first strike of the other party cannot be applied due to its tremendous destructive power. Therefore, as the opponent to North Korea that it decided to hold the nuclear, the exercise of anticipatory self-defense in order to guarantee a minimum of right to life is not a choice, but the only essential correspondence concept. At the moment that the North Korean nuclear provocation is expected in the near future, it shall be provided with competence to strike the origin region of provocation by forming a national consensus of preemptive strike enforcement. Also, in preparation for the fifth nuclear test of North Korea, which is anticipated, the national competence must be mobilize to be able to ensure the 'Nuclear Option' from the international community.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.175-193
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• 2011

This study explored how South Korean newspapers covered North Korea's second nuclear test in May of 2009. Findings show that South Korean newspapers mostly reported North Korea's nuclear experiment in relatively negative tones. Their coverage mainly focused on the influences of nuclear threat from the North on the military, political and economic areas in South Korea. However, the media's agenda settings and frames were not similar in terms of each paper's political and ideological inclination. Whereas the progressive papers, such as the Hankyoreh and the Kyunghyang Shinmun, recognized that the current nuclear issue in Korean peninsula is getting worse because of South Korea's rigorous pressure on North Korea, the conservative papers, such as the Chosun Ilbo and the Donga Ilbo, see that the deadlock between North and South mainly comes from the system malfunction of North Korea. To prevent the current impasse, the left-side papers emphasized to develop the six-party talk in dealing with North Korean issue, while the right-wing papers paid attentions to the West's sanctions on North Korea and ensuring national security.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.42
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• pp.205-227
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• 2015

The Korean Peninsula is put in a position to carry out a highly strategic game vis-a-vis nK, which is asserting itself as a nuclear power amongst Northeast Asia's complex dynamics. While the international community recognizes nK's possession of nuclear weapons as released secret based on nK's three nuclear tests, shrewd strategic thinking is needed by ROK to secure itself as a non-nuclear nation in order to assume a responsible role to the international community, while simultaneously being ready to respond at all times for nK's military provocations. ROK must continue with its twofold strategy, by firm response to military confrontation with nK and maintaining flexible policy of tolerance in the areas of economy and ethnicity. Various strategic options to overcome nK's nuclear threats have been presented to ROK, whose possession of nuclear weapons have been difficult, and nK's nuclear capability is a real threat to ROK's national security. We must be able to respond to nK's nuclear threats strictly from ROK's national security perspective. This thesis aims to propose a response policy for nK's nuclear capability and nK's nuclear attack based on analysis of such nuclear damage, ROK Government's response posture against nK's nuclear threats, centered around ROK Government's non-military response posture.