• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.165-189
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to examine process and organization of local government-managed construction by reviewing official documents and materials in regard to the official residences and castles officially constructed in Dongnae in the 19c Chosun Dynasty. Results of this study can be described as follows. 1) The construction of official residences requires exchanges of official documents among upper and lower governmental agencies concerned. Previously prepared for some 1 or 2 months, the construction was proceeded through proceeded from Paok to Gaegi, Ipju, Sangryang, Gaeok and to Iptaek. Such construction was carried out independently and concurrently Gijang and Yangsan neighboring Dongnae provided cooperation by way of supplying labor and timbers. 2) Dongnaebu castle was constructed under local autonomy system, like other government-oriented works, as governor of Dongnae became responsible for defending such establishment in 1739. The castle was built up in 1731 as an establishment with 6 gated and 15 forts. Directly controlled by governor of Dongnae, the castle continued to be partially repaired until the 19th century. Under the regime of Daewongun, the castle was enlarged and extended for military strengthening. Besides the gate having double-gated structure for the outside wall, the other five gates came to have bastions and 30 forts were additionally established, dramatically changing the structure of the castle as whole. 3) Government-managed construction was often implemented by an organization whose members included local government officials, lower administrative agencies and local influential persons. The construction of official residences was implemented by Gamyeokdogam which was headed by Jwasu of Hyangcheong. In the construction, chief of military officials became supervisor, who was responsibly supported by Saekri. The construction of castled were divided into several works, for example, establishments of fortress, tower gate and quarrying stone were implemented by the organization of Paejang, Gamkwan and Saekri. As a military official, Gamkwan supervised the construction. Saekri was in charge of related internal affairs. Paejang was an technical expert leading several workers. The construction of castles in 1870 were organized as a general rule having particularity of social conditions on Dongnae.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.54
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• pp.179-210
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• 2017

By redefining the concept of history, my colleagues and I have reformed our department in terms of curriculum and faculty members. This paper is a report of some of the conclusions that we have obtained from this procedure. Despite a long relationship, two disciplines do not seem to match or complement each other in the Korean education system. We believe that this is due to the fact that the Department of Korean History has focused on "national history (NH)." By conferring a privilege on NH, persons, families, societies, regions, and others were removed from NH. To make matters worse, a biased view that history is just an interpretation has prevailed, and the empiricism of history was weakened, which brought about an indifference in keeping records and archives. In East Asia, "history" means both modern history and archives. The concern about the authenticity of records did not come from H. Jenkinson or L. Duranti, and not even from the electronic environment or the Public Records Act of 1998. Key concepts such as records, documents-archives, manuscripts, authenticity, compilation-appraisal, arrangement, and description are different from their signifiant but are same or similar to their $signifi{\acute{e}}$. In case of "provenance" and "original order," they are used in education and practice in the traditional archives. History includes the recording, archiving, and the story or historiography of an event. In this context, the Department of Korean History should contain a more archives-oriented curriculum and select an archival-trained faculty. On the other hand, the department has accumulated long-term experience with appraisal and description of records; thus, archival science should absorb the criticism of the material. History will be shaken without the help of archives, while archives will lose their root without history. We are at the point in which we need to be reminded why we want to be a historian or an archivist, and for this, the more colleagues, the better.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.4-23
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to classify the types of tweezers used across time and to examine the social culture of periods through the use of tweezers. Chapter II summarized the terms for tweezers and looked at the use of tweezers in two cases related to the social culture and politics of a period. The first is the use of tweezers for beauty purposes. Men used tweezers as a kind of self-management to maintain their social status and power, and thus they helped develop a wide range of tweezers cultures. People with gray hair are usually old. The perception that we should step down from politics when we are aged has become strong. Therefore, politicians pulled out gray hairs with tweezers to maintain only black hair and show youth, which indicates that their social influence is still strong. The second is the use of tweezers for first aid. Chapter III classified tweezers by type during the Goryeo and Joseon periods. The tweezers are largely divided into basic and composite types. The basic type of tweezers is a form that has been continued since the Three Kingdoms Period and consists of tongs and handles, and a fixed type of tweezers with a fixed ring appeared. Composite tweezers are made by grafting earpick or multipurpose knives. Composite tweezers are all-in-one tweezers with an earpick and an all-in-one knife. Tweezers are usually all-in-one. Among the composite tweezers, rivet separation and ring separation are characterized by separation, unlike the all-in-one tweezers. The method of connecting is divided into rivets and connection rings. The all-in-one tweezers appear only during the Goryeo Dynasty and are characterized by the lifestyle that provides a glimpse of the tastes of contemporary users. The manufacturing takes shape after making a thin metal plate. Decorative techniques are carved on soft metal tweezers, such as silver and bronze with a line, point, and a pressed angle. These tweezers are presumed to have been used by the royal family or aristocrats. However, most tweezers are made of strong bronze or iron. Therefore, the majority of simple X-shaped patterns are sampled or without patterns. The biggest reason why there are such diverse types of tweezers is that the culture of tweezers was widespread regardless of the times. In addition, the basic type of tweezers has been used since the Three Kingdoms Period and has been modified and used together as necessary because the shape of tweezers is a practical daily tool. Study of metal crafts have been limited to royal objects and Buddhist crafts. We hope that research on everyday tools such as tweezers will continue to serve as an opportunity to examine the social and cultural aspects of the times in various ways.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.133-172
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• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.283-317
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• 2017

Issues over morality and profit usually address relations between moral principles and material gains. In the history of traditional Oriental philosophy, discussions about them were called "Yi-Li zhi bian." The ideas of Confucius and Mencius also contain various discussions about Yi-Li. Both Confucius and Mencius defined Yi as a value concept to represent "natural," "appropriate" or "just" and regarded Yi as an external moral principle on the one hand and an internal moral emotion on the other hand. They had, at the same time, differences, as well. While Confucius placed importance on the external and acquired nature of Yi as a goal of morality, Mencius argued for the internal and innate nature of Yi as the nature of morality partially while recognizing its externality overall. Such Yi is a general term for subjective moral emotions and objective moral principles. Li was a concept of fact to represent "gain," "profit" or "profit-making." Both of them were against private interest and emphasized public interest. As for their differences, Confucius was positive about Li to some degree by saying "One should think of Yi when making profit," whereas Mencius was almost negative about Li and perceived it to be for Yi by saying "One should give up even his own life for Yi." He meant Li's dependence on Yi and also Yi's absoluteness for Ri. Both of them found a mix of opposite features in Yi such as internality and externality, subjectivity and objectivity, specificity and generality, and uniqueness and universality and also in Li such as individuality and specialty and public and private interest. Those features have both disadvantages including theoretical irrationality and logical contradiction and advantages including ideological diversity and conceptual polysemy. If efforts are made to avoid their disadvantages and highlight their advantages, they will provide some elements to consult in the creation of new global ethics required today when East and West are becoming one. In the modern society, the Yi-Li issues can be divided into the issues of morality and economy, personal and social profit, and moral ideal and material gain. If these modern Yi-Li issues are combined with the traditional Yi-Li issues, two paths will emerge over the order of Yi-Li. Of the many perceptions of Yi-Li issues of Confucius and Mencius, the idea of "Yi First, Li Later" can be very useful for creating a new ethics theory to represent "humanism" that we all need today when everyone considers their own pursuit of profit and satisfaction of needs as the best values. Sound Yi-Li relations will be possible only through Yi's orientation toward externality based on internality and Li's pursuit of private interest on the premise of public interest according to the spirit of "Yi First, Li Later."

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.201-234
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• 2016

This thesis examined interpreting methodology of Do Won Lew Seung Kug(1923~2011) is based on the principle of Juhng-yaug. His lifelong academic aim was searching for the theory that enables global community to co-exist peacefully through humanitarianism that leads to reconciliation and mutual benefits. The research of the history of Korean thoughts provided him with the clue for his theory. According to Do Won, Korean thoughts pursue the Juhng-yaug's value of 'Yin and Yang accordance' rather than the I-Ching's value of 'suppress Yin and elevate Yang'. He furthermore asserts the concept of the middle (中), which harmonizes the two extremes by human beings as main agents, has been consistently observed from the action of divination during the ancient period through Juhng-yaug in the late 19th century. Do Won identifies 'human maturity that integrates the extremely conflicting insistences and values and seeks to be reconciled' as the basic character of Korean thoughts. He explains 'Hongikingan[弘益人間, becoming beneficial to the human world] is the idea that embraces the conflicting values symbolized by heaven and the earth. He also illuminates that Choe Chi Won(崔致遠)'s created Poongliu Do by integrating heterogeneity among Confucianism, Buddhim, and Daoism and it was attainable through the various works of mature human beings. Both Toe Gye' s philosophy of Ingeuk(人極, the Great Ultimate of Person) and the concept of Innaecheon(人乃天, Human Being right is Heaven) of Donghak are excellent examples of Humanitarianism that sublate two extremes. In Korea, the prototype of this thought has penetrated its entire history in the various circumstances of the period. The grand finale is Juhng-yaug of which the pursued values are 'Yin and Yang accordance' and mature humanitarianism revealed by the thoughts of the Person of the Central Ultimate (皇極人,至人) and Central Ultimate (皇極). Therefore, Humanitarianism in Korean thoughts clearly makes its appearance by the time of Juhng-yaug and it functions as a keyword to illuminate the entire history of Korean thoughts in reverse.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.39-71
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• 2012

This paper examines Jang Hyeongwang's cultural awareness and the way of practice by focusing on his spirit of humanities in relation to the understanding of territory and bibliographic materials. In fact, this starts from conflicting evaluations on Jang Hyeongwang's way of learning in the field of Korean history. Jang Hyeongwang emphasizes realization of humanity, which is considered as basic framework of culture. He claims the indivisibility of Dao(道) and culture(mun文) by arguing that almighty principle of Dao manifests itself through phenomena of culture. In other words, Dao is the root of culture and, at the same time, culture is the necessary element of making Dao valuable. Furthermore, he insists that realization of human culture is the gist of manifesting the pattern of nature. In this vein, the roles of human beings are so important in creating humanistic civilization. He considers all kinds of human affairs as the contents of humanistic culture, which are contained in six classics. Especially, He says that the moral is reality of human culture and that literature is a literal expression of humanistic spirit. Thus, he criticizes that there are literatures without moral practices. He pays a special attention to his indigenous culture. He links the cultural understanding of geography, which is the foundation of realizing humanistic spirit, to awareness of Korean territory and grasps the territory in the light of topography of geographic power. Thus, he defines it as "Central Field" which bears comparison with China (middle kingdom). With the positive understanding of his country, he insisted that Korean indigenous culture and custom are as much advanced as China and was so proud of the moral characters and norms that Korean people had formed so far. Moreover, Jang truly exhibited affection to Korean literature, which had formed through Korean history. Kim Hyu, one of his students, activates Jang's will to preservation of Korean culture. Over twenty years, Kim completed Collected Record of Korean Literatures(haedong munhon ch'ongnok 海東文獻總錄). Actually, he started the preparatory works for compiling them. We should keep in mind that this compilation was completed following Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. It means that he has cultural awareness of preserving Korean literal heritages. Hence, it can be evaluated as the results of the enhancement of national studies. We have seen that He truly highlights realization of humanistic spirit by insisting the practices of moral values. In fact, his mind is linked to genuine affection to Korean territory, culture and literatures. Such affection can be paraphrased as moral awareness of humanity and its practices. In conclusion, his humanistic spirit should be understood as strong belief on universality of human morality. His cultural awareness of homeland and the will to practices should be considered as cultural pride of Korean intellectual traditions rather than following Chinese culture blindly.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.359-384
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• 2008

Making Daxue("大學") which was originally the 43rd chapter of Liji("禮記") independent, Zhuzi(朱子) had reedited it into Daxuezhangju("大學章句") and in this process, he had added 134 letters thereto. Those 134 letters that added were concerned with gewuzhizhi(格物致知) and Zhuzi(朱子)'s such interpretation had made a great deal of contribution to the later interpretations of Daxue("大學") conducted by those scholars who followed him in a later age. Zhuzi(朱子) had interpreted gewu(格物) as to make a exhaustive study on principles of things or noumena that exist between heaven and earth. If gewu(格物) taking it for granted, denotes thorough investigation of the principles of things, it is considered that qiongli(窮理) is a more appropriate expression. Meanwhile, however, Zhuzi(朱子) argues that the reason for dubbing it gewu(格物), not calling it qiongli(窮理), is to see a thing as it is in itself. This is to emphasize that investigation of things and extension of knowledge gewuzhizhi(格物致知) is shixue(實學), not a xuxue(虛學). Zhizhi(致知) is a step through which my knowledge is being culminating in the most comprehensive and profound fashion. Specifically, Zhizhi(致知) is the phase to seek zhenzhi(眞知) having put together all knowledge gained through gewu(格物). In this true understanding, there is no room for one's own free will to intervene; zhenzhi(眞知) becomes the same as universal knowledge. The things accumulated in quantity through gewuzhizhi(格物致知) are to be changed by means of huoranguantong(豁然貫通). If we put gewuzhizhi(格物致知) as the quests of basic and general subjects, meanwhile, huoranguantong(豁然貫通) corresponds to more profound and sophisticated learning. Huoranguantong(豁然貫通) is a phase in which my principle and the universal principle become unified, and so, this is the phase where the standards in my mind will attain universality. That is to say, this means that the standards in my mind and the universal standards grow into one. Then, what is the ultimate purpose of gewuzhizhi(格物致知)? The ultimate purpose of gewuzhizhi(格物致知) is to reach zhishan(至善). If gewuzhizhi(格物致知) seeks zhishan(至善), those universal standards in my mind that attained through huoranguantong(豁然貫通) shall also be the criteria of that zhishan(至善). Viewing it from this perspective, it can be said that Zhuzi(朱子)'s gewuzhizhi(格物致知) contains both epistemological and logical aspect.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.446-453
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• 2021

This paper deals with two methods regarding fact and value. One is the method of H. Putnam, which is to break the boundary between fact and value and to make a world where the two have an inherent connection. The other is the method of J. Habermas, which regards fact and value as the product of an intersubjective agreement based on argumentation. Putnam, through his position of internal realism, moves from realism to pragmatism, especially by combining the rationalist tradition of Kant and Dewey's pragmatic views. Habermas also stands in the tradition of rationalism and universalism in Kant, at the same time emphasizing the practicability of truth in Hegel's tradition of historical reason. The significance of the strategy of Putnam and Habermas is that they have attempted to revive the realm of value against the strict dichotomy of facts and values and the subsequent devaluation of rationality in the realm of value. The starting point of this attempt is that the practical foundation of rationality is laid on life and practice. This could provide the room for escaping from rationality, which prioritizes only truths that reveal facts, that is, instrument-reduced rationality, the room for the revival of practical rationality through reflection on what is the purpose of life, and, in turn, the room for resisting to pass the realm of values and norms to the logic of habitual routines or customs. However, despite such common goal, there are clear limitations to Putnam's approach due to the differences in the strategies taken on facts and values. Putnam's method can demolish the whole universal framework that is the foundation where pragmatic pluralism will be fostered, eliminating the difference between the specificity of values and the universality of norms and shaking up the status of universal ethics. Therefore, Habermas' ethical theory is proposed as an alternative to establish a basis for universal ethics by relying on communication rationality and to secure the coercion of norms and blossom cultural pluralism as a diverse lifestyle based on this coercion.