• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.23
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• pp.227-256
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• 2010

This paper has two aims (1) to address the common European past by way of considering the development of the official archives of the European Union; and (2) to give specific attention to the activities of archivists in Germany. The EU archives contain the all the documents officially recording the common history of European integration from the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951. It was at the beginning of the 1980s, thirty years after the production of these documents, however, that the Archives of the European Community (EC) began to be systematized for public use when the European University Institute in Florence in Italy was chosen as the deposit location for the archive. After the coming into effect of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, the EC Archives were renamed as the EU Archives. Through the cooperation of the national archives of the each Member State of the EU with this EC Archives common norms regarding deposit were developed. This archives is a veritable gold mine for serious research into all and any official aspect of the institutional and policy history of today's EU, so for the formation of common European identity. The denazification process using the evidence of the archives contributed to the orientation of the New Germany towards Europe. The German archives then have been contributing to the redressing the past to a significant degree since after the Second World War. More recently, the establishment of the "Memory, Responsibility, and Future" Foundation in 2000 in Germany made possible cooperations with the archives of the East European countries and especially for the purpose of the providing evidence about former enforced workers under the Nazi regime. There has thus been developed European-wide networks among archives. These developments have furthered the common redressing of the European past and this process in turn has been contributing the enhancing the European spirit and identity. The thesis of this paper then is that historical research based on the EU archives and individual Member States can not only illuminate in great detail the stages of the history of European integration to date. The dissemination of such research can itself contribute to the process of the spreading of supranational ideas beyond Europe to other regions of the world.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.157-199
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• 2009

The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.66-80
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• 2010

In this thesis, the garden remains in Dohwadong which is located in Seoul Buk-ak Mountain was examined, together with reference discovery and historical research, and onsite academic research conducted, for the purpose of studying the location of the garden remains in Dohwadong, its historical transitions and original landscape. As a result of the study, the location of the garden remains in Dohwadong was found; through the research of relevant historical sources, its historical transitions, its original landscape, and the value it has as a garden remains were examined. The following is the summary of the original form of the garden remains in Dohwadong and the value it has as a garden remains derived from this study. First, the garden remains in Dohwadong had earlier known as a remains related to the housing site of Namgon or Daeunahm. However, it has been verified that is it Dohwadong which is an original word of a royal family formed by King Kojong's order in 1889 since the characters carved on rocks which is recorded in the book of "Chong Sweh Rok" perfectly conform to those within the garden remains in Dohwadong. Second, it was learned that Dohwadong was the greatest renowned place for entertaining next to Pilundae; according to the book of "Hankyung Jiryak", the name, Dohwadong, is known to have come from the fact that there are a large number of peach trees in the area; the records of those books, "Ahjungyugoh", "Yonahmjip", etc., also state that literary men gathered in Dohwadong and held ceremonies and entertained. Third, it was learned that the garden remains in Dohwadong had been used as a place for holding ceremonies by the Ahndong Kims including Myonggongsukhyon; after Heungsundaewongun's governance, it was removed and neglected as the Ahndong Kims were purged and changed into a place for the royal family by the command of King Kojong in 1889. Fourth, Dohwadong followed the geographical features of nature, embraced the elegant surrounding scenery naturally, and gave significance to the sceneries of the season and its element and, in this way, it, as an ideal landscape model, is a valuable garden remains which realized the symbolic Dohwa landscape and presents its original scenery of the traditional garden. As mentioned above, this study, based on historical sources, has made progress in understanding the truth of the garden remains in Dohwadong and its value as a garden remains through the onsite research and academic historical investigation. However, since it is located within a military region, research was limitedly made. And also the range and structure of the garden remains was difficult to examine. Overall excavation is needed to figure out the remains and original terrain. Accordingly, in order to find out the truth of the garden remains in Dohwadong and for further preservation and application, it needs to be designated as a historical site and additional academic excavation research needs to be conducted; maintenance and preservation policies including removal of the cement and embankment, which disturb the original terrain within the remains, also need to be carried out.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.55-66
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• 2018

The cactus habitat in Jeju Island has a phytogeographically specific distribution in the East Asian region, and forms a unique landscape as the only native cactus (Opuntia ficus-indica (L.) Mill.) habitat in Korea. However, there has been no detailed investigation on the distribution of cacti in the habitat and no investigation on the diversity of the mixed composition of plants in the habitats and their correlation with the distribution of cactus populations. This study attempted to investigate the diversity of vascular plants in the Wollyeong-ri cactus habitat and record the actual distribution and trends of cactus distribution. In addition to the distribution characteristics of cacti, we also discuss the characteristics of species reflecting the characteristics of the habitat among the mixed population of plant species, as well as the biological and environmental factors that threaten the maintenance of cactus populations or require management for preservation of cacti. Considering the phenological character, we conducted the field surveys for flora identification six times between June 2015 and September 2017. The Engler classification system was used for the arrangement sequence and names of plants, and the Korean Plant Names Index was adopted for the Korean name of the species. The study results showed that the Wolryung-ri cactus habitat in Jeju Island has the characteristic physiognomy of an area dominated by cactus. For the vascular plants, a total of 125 taxa were identified, including 53 families, 104 genera, 109 species, 15 varieties and 1 forma. Endangered plants specified by the Ministry of Environment were not found. Two species, Cyrtomium falcatum and Asplenium incisum, were identified as the ferns, and no gymnosperms were found. In addition, 123 taxa of angiosperms, 91 taxa of dicotyledones and 32 taxa of monocotyledons were identified. The distributions of cacti were confirmed in 289 meshes corresponding to 59.3% of the total 487 meshes in the cactus protected area, which showed various coverage distributions ranging from 5% to 95%. Most of the meshes where no cacti were found are coastal areas with exposed basalt rocks where the soil depth has not developed or extremely restricted due to repeated waves, or areas where artificial facilities, grasslands, and observation paths have been constructed. On the other hand, there were 71 lattice points in 14.5% of the total area where the cactus showed 70% or higher dominance. Cacti are randomly distributed in these areas. They have adapted to the microhabitat environment and are found to be opportunistically distributed along the growable locations. Considering that the reproduction of cacti in the habitat is mostly dependent on parthenogenesis, the present distribution seems to reflect the potentially distributable regions of cacti in the habitat. Based on the results of field surveys, a management plan for conservation and protection of the protected areas has been proposed.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.11
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• pp.181-214
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• 2005

Metropolitan rapid transit system plays an essential role in the public transportation system of any large city, and its managing agency is usually charged with the responsibility of storing and managing the design drawings of the system. The drawings are important and historically valuable documents that must be kept permanently because they contain comprehensive data that is used to manage and maintain the system. However, no study has been performed in Korea on how well agencies are preserving and managing these records. Seoul Metropolitan Rapid Transit Corporation(SMRT) is the managing agency established by the city of Seoul to operate subway lines 5, 6, 7, and 8 more efficiently to serve its citizens. By the Act on Records Management in Public Institutions(ARMPI), SMRT should establish a records center to manage its records. Furthermore, all drawings produced by SMRT and other third party entities should be in compliance with the Act. However, SMRT, as a form of local public corporation, can establish a records center by its own way. Accordingly, the National Archives & Records Service(NARS) has very little control over SMRT. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to research and analyze the present state of storage and management of the drawings of metropolitan rapid transit in SMRT and is to find a desirable method of preservation and management for drawings of metropolitan rapid transit. In the process of the study, it was found that a records center is being considered to manage only general official documents and not to manage the drawings as required by ARMPI. SMRT does not have a records center, and the environment of management on the drawings is very poor. Although there is a plan to develop a new management system for the drawings, it will be non-compliant of ARMPI. What's happening at SMRT does not reflect the state of all other cities' metropolitan rapid transit records management systems, but the state of creation of records center of local public corporation is the almost same state as SMRT. There should be continuous education and many studies conducted in order to manage the drawings of metropolitan rapid transit efficiently by records management system. This study proposes a records center based on both professional records centers and union records centers. Although metropolitan rapid transit is constructed and managed by each local public corporation, the overall characteristics and processes of metropolitan rapid transit projects are similar in nature. In consideration of huge quantity, complexity and specialty of drawings produced and used during construction and operation of metropolitan rapid transit, and overlap of each local public corporation's effort and cost of the storage and management of the drawings, they need to be managed in a professional and united way. As an example of professional records center, there is the National Personnel Records Center(NPRC) in St. Louis, Missouri. NPRC is one of the National Archives and Records Administration's largest operations and a central repository of personnel-related records on former and present federal employees and the military. It provides extensive information to government agencies, military veterans, former federal employees, family members, as well as researchers and historians. As an example of union records center, there is the Chinese Union Dangansil. It was established by several institutions and organizations, so united management of records can be performed and human efforts and facilities can be saved. We should establish a professional and united records center which manages drawings of metropolitan rapid transit and provides service to researchers and the public as well as members of the related institutions. This study can be an impetus to improve interest on management of not only drawings of metropolitan rapid transit but also drawings of various public facilities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.94-108
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• 2023

Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's onhaeng(溫行) base on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』『, Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』and cultural property such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). As the Onyang Tourist Hotel is located in the presumed site of the Onyanghaenggung Palace, even the identity of the Onyanghaenggung Palace site is being threatened without restoration efforts. The purpose of this study is to estimate the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace based on <Oncheonhaenggungdo> before the damages during the Japanese colonial period. To achieve these purposes, records related to Onhaeng during successive kings' terms in the Joseon Dynasty are first reviewed, before changes in the architecture of Onyanghaenggung Palace that took place in the Joseon Dynasty and damage suffered during the Japanese colonial period are summarized, and finally <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, <Eupji>, <Ancient Maps>, <Jijeokwondo> are reviewed. Based on these processes, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace is estimated by comparing the current Onyang Tourist Hotel and the surrounding area. The results of this study are as follows. First, if the 1,758 cheok(尺) of 「Onyanggun eupji」 and 「Hoseo eupji」 are converted in Jucheok(周尺), the scope of Onyanghaenggung Palace is close to the inner circumference of the site(垈) in Jijeokwondo(1914). Second, the streamlet leading to Oncheoncheon(溫泉川) from the southern side of Onyanggwan(溫陽館), the hot spring hole in use of <Distribution Map of Hot Spring(溫泉分布見取圖)>(1925, 1928), and considering the relationship of the inner east gate(內東門), Bigak(碑閣), Sinjeong(神井) of <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, the building of Hermann Gustav Theodor Sander and the Copyright Commission's Onyang Hot Springs photograph can be estimated as the Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot-spring, namely Tangsil(湯室). Third, in the process of developing to amusement park, the transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae site(a governmentowned property) was requested by Gyeongnam Railway Company, but Chungcheongnam-do denied transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae because of the importance in the history of Onyang Hot Springs, so the government-owned Yeonggaedae Monument site were permanently preserved at the current location together with the hoe tree(Sophora japonica L.). Also, Yeonggoedae in <Tourists Attractions around Gyeongnam Railway in Joseon (朝鮮京南鐵道沿線名所交通図絵)> (1929) is shown to exist in its current location, and it can be seen that the Shinjeong Monument Pavilion was moved to the front of Shinjeonggwan (神井館). Based on the circumference of Onyanghaenggung Palace, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot Spring (Tangsil) and Yeonggaedae Monument Pavilion, changes in roads and lots of land during the Japanese colonial period and the modern period, as well as the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace and other major buildings, can be estimated to extend to the current Shimin-ro and Onyang Hot Spring Market.

• Proceedings of the Plant Resources Society of Korea Conference
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• 2018.10a
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• pp.54-54
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• 2018

숨은물뱅듸 산림유전자원 보호구역은 해발 950 m 이상 지역의 습지로서 오름으로 둘러싸인 넓은 웅덩이 형태로 환경부 멸종위기 2급 야생식물인 자주땅귀개를 비롯한 다양한 습지 식물과 이를 둘러싸고 있는 산림지역을 포함하여 산림청에서는 산림유전자원 보호구역으로 지정 관리되고 있다. 본 조사는 숨은물뱅듸 산림유전자원 보호구역을 대상으로 식물상을 조사하여 식물종 다양성을 보존하기 위한 기초자료를 만들기 위해 실시하였다. 본 연구는 2018년 7월 24일부터 8월 28일까지 총 4회에 걸쳐 현장조사를 통하여 표본을 채집하고 기록하여 정리하였다. 그 결과, 숨은물뱅듸에 자생중인 식물은 양치식물 8과 11속 17종 17분류군, 나자식물 2과 2속 2종 2분류군, 피자식물 56과 121속 167종 5변종 1품종 173분류군 총66과 134속 186종 5변종 1품종의 총 192분류군이 조사되었다. 이 중 환경부 멸종위기야생식물은 자주땅귀개 1종이 확인되었고, 제주특산식물 6분류군, 한국특산식물 2분류군이 확인되었다. 식물구계학적특정식물은 총37분류군이며 V등급 5분류군, IV등급 5분류군, III등급 12분류군, II등급 5분류군, I 등급 10분류군이 확인되었다. 한국의 적색목록 식물은 위기(EN) 1분류군, 취약(VU) 1분류군, 준위협(NT) 1분류군, 관심대상(LC) 6분류군, 미평가(NE) 3분류군으로 나타났다. 조사된 식물들 대상으로 생활형을 분석해보면, 휴면형은 Ch 47분류군으로 가장 많이 나타났고, G(30분류군), MM(24분류군), HH(23분류군) 순으로 나타났다. 번식형은 R5가 101분류군, 산포기관형은 D4가 84분류군, 생육형은 e가 89분류군으로 가장 많이 나타났다. 반면, 외래식물 1분류군이 출현한 것으로 보아 숨은물뱅되는 아직까지 보전이 잘 되어 있고, 식물종다양성이 우수하며 식물학적으로 가치가 매우 높은 것으로 판단되었다.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.