• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.40-114
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• 2016

This work critically explores the so-called "Hell-Chosun" phenomenon which has gained much attention and responses in contemporary South Korea. The younger generation came to coin and utilize this new linguistic expression as well as poignant parody as a way of releasing their anger, cynicism, and frustration in the context of the omnipresent fierce competitions, deepening social instability, and job-related shrinking possibilities. The 'Hell-Chosun' phenomenon can be considered as a much complicated manifestation of the structures of feeling for the part of many younger generation South Koreans. This paper especially examines the varying representation of this phenomenon by established dailies through an in-depth textual analysis of newspaper articles, opinion pieces and reviews, as well as special issues. In doing so, this work examines the multiple implications of this particular socio-cultural phenomenon in a detailed and critical fashion.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.175-193
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• 2011

This study explored how South Korean newspapers covered North Korea's second nuclear test in May of 2009. Findings show that South Korean newspapers mostly reported North Korea's nuclear experiment in relatively negative tones. Their coverage mainly focused on the influences of nuclear threat from the North on the military, political and economic areas in South Korea. However, the media's agenda settings and frames were not similar in terms of each paper's political and ideological inclination. Whereas the progressive papers, such as the Hankyoreh and the Kyunghyang Shinmun, recognized that the current nuclear issue in Korean peninsula is getting worse because of South Korea's rigorous pressure on North Korea, the conservative papers, such as the Chosun Ilbo and the Donga Ilbo, see that the deadlock between North and South mainly comes from the system malfunction of North Korea. To prevent the current impasse, the left-side papers emphasized to develop the six-party talk in dealing with North Korean issue, while the right-wing papers paid attentions to the West's sanctions on North Korea and ensuring national security.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.499-507
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• 2015

This study aims to understand the phenomenon related to private schools and present the implication for policy about private school, network text analysis about newspaper editorials in conservative and progressive media was conducted. The main results are as follows. First, in newspaper editorials, there were many issues about private university and there was a distinction between private elementary secondary school and private university. Second, in newspaper editorials, 'encouraging perspective' such as financial assistance and new private school like self-governing private high school and 'controlling perspective' such as withdrawal of problem private schools were both appeared. As a result, this study presents that the perspective for private schools needs to be re-established by 'accountability' as the educational institution and 'school capacity building' away from the past frame.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.49
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• pp.81-98
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• 2010

This study was executed with the aim of finding out how journalists accept the market-driven journalism. 24 journalists were selected from each conservative and progressive newspapers and held in-depth interviews. The result show journalists believe that news articles should be useful than interesting. Also the result show they think it is just market-driven journalism that making public issues to social dispute in Korea. And most of them thought newspaper should be made toward upgrading it‘s contents and quality. There were some differences in thinking about those study issue between journalists belong to conservative and progressive newspapers. But there were no differences between reporters and desks.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.61
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• pp.118-133
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• 2013

Lee Yeung-Hi is one of the most influential journalist in the modern history of Korea. Nevertheless, the judgement about him has been parallelized by opposite sides. He is called 'the Master of ideology', while the other calls him 'the culprit of theorization'. This thesis deduced the contemporary meaning of person Lee Yeung-Hi in order to promote communication for both sides. I compared their logical arguments and pointed out the error they missed. Also, I clarified that the criticism and anticriticism for Lee Young-Hi in the fields of both journalism and academia have fallacies, such as the fallacy of straw man, and the fallacy of question-begging. I criticized their arguments through the view of 'struggling to seek truth', which is the core value of Lee Yeung-Hi's thought. The necessity of communication between advocators and it's critics is due to the condition of Korean Journalism. Korean Journalism does not have much space to accept Lee Young-Hi in only one side. Paradoxically, the contemporary meaning of the truth that Journalist Lee Young-Hi had sought is profound and deep because of the condition where Korean Journalism is being dominated by political parallelism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.109-136
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• 2012

This research analyzed the news coverage of controversy over Korean resumption of Wartime Operational Control from the United States in 2006, trying to find various narrative frames and their relevance to the characters of journalistic interpretive communities. Three competitive frames emerged: Self-national defense and peace making, Balance of self-national defense and the Korea-US alliance, and Priority of the Korea-U.S. alliance and national security. Journalistic discourses were also analyzed through the in-depth interviews of 14 journalists from three interpretive communities. The results revealed that competitions of narrative frames reflected the tensed relationship among political power blocs, each representing the liberal, moderate, or conservative camp of Korean society, and preference of journalistic practices such as objective journalism to advocacy journalism. Finally, inferences were made that the clashes among interpretive authorities, existing behind the competition of news frames, restrained public deliberations on a critical incident regarding national security by blocking up the reasoned news coverage of political controversy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.249-286
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• 2007

This study examines the main characteristics and differences on people's page in selected four national dailies, such as Chosun Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo, Seoul Shinmum and Hankyoreh Shinmun. Both Chosun Ilbo and Joongang Ilbo are categorized as the conservatives; while Seoul Shinmum and Hankyoreh Shinmun as the progressive. This study has been done by applying methods of content analysis to reveal the differences in terms of people's occupations, types of reports, their philosophies, and standards of selecting people by the dailies for the people's pages. The results shows that the conservative newspapers are very similar to the progressive newspapers in terms of occupations and the types of reports, covering the people on people's pages. More specifically, both the conservative dailies and the progressive dailies report the people for whose jobs are related to both social and cultural works. However, the conservative newspapers have much more coverages than the progressive papers in terms of the publicity reporting on the people. The conservatives are also much more reports on the people who are eager to economic success than the progressive dailies; while the progressives papers have much coverages on those who are interesting in helping others than the conservatives papers. Finally, this study reveals that the conservative dailies mainly cover those who are in publicity activities and social elite groups, while the progressive newspapers are the social celebrities and persons of fame in society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.104-139
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• 2016

This study investigated how Korean media covered Japan's position on her past history issues proposed by Abe' Shinzo's cabinet. The researchers adopted Entman's analytical tools for frame analysis and the concept of "frame changing" proposed by Chi and McCombs. The analysis rendered several propositions. First of all, the Korean media's coverage on Japan's past history issues focused heavily on the current conflict among two nations rather than constructing a futuristic viewpoint based on a thorough discussion on the historical background of the topic. In addition, it emphasized that the conflict should be resolved by political negotiations between the two governments. Secondly, the news coverages depicted "comfort women" issues as the prime element of the conflict, describing Abe's cabinet as the major inducer of the conflict. Ideological and political divisions among Korean media did not significantly influence on how they frame Japan's past history issues. In general, Korean media took the stance of ethnocentric "patriotic journalism," advocating Korean government's position and covering the emotional reactions from Korean public instead of providing through and through objective news coverage on Japan's past history issues.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.296-340
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• 2009

The power of media has always been problematic in the countries of full press freedom. Originally, the media used to be an effective vehicle for communication within human beings. However, it exerts an overwhelming power toward human society. Through applying the well-known four dog models in terms of media function, this study attempts to examine how the press media in South Korea transformed themselves into another powerful independent organization or institution after regime shift in 1987. The whole editorials of four sampled newspapers were analyzed through frame analysis model. The ChosunIlbo, known as a conservative and pro-government paper, shows to take the role of supporting chaebol policies under Roh TaeWoo Administration. However, it criticizing sharply against the chaebol policies of Roh MooHyun Administration. The JoongangIlbo, known as a pro-chaebol paper, appears anti-government position through the entire four administrations in terms of chaebol policies. Particularly, it reveals hostile editorial coverage during the Roh MooHyun Administration. However, KyunghyangShinmun, currently known as a liberal paper, viewed somewhat complicated positions (see text in more detail) because of its ownership turbulence during the past twenty years. On the other hand, Hangyoreh, regarded as a progressive paper, keeps in supportive attitude consistently against the four sampled administrations as far as regulating each government policies for chaebols.