• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.579-585
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to explore keywords within stalking-related news articles according to political orientation through the text network analysis, and then to examine the implicit intentions. Selecting total 1,607 articles including 824 articles of the conservative press(The Chosun Ilbo, The Joongang Ilbo) and 783 articles of the progressive press(The Hankyoreh, The Kyunghyang Shinmun) reported from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 2022, this study explored the aspect of topic category drawn through the topic modeling technique based on LDA(Latent Dirichlet Allocation). In the results of this study, the common topics of the conservative and progressive press were improvement of the perception of gender-based violence, personal protection & intensity of punishment, and disclosure of stalkers' personal information. Regarding the topics differently shown in those two press, the conservative press showed stalkers' harmful act, and outline of 'murder case at Sindang Station' while the progressive press showed request for aggravated punishment on the 'murder case at Sindang Station', and eradication of sexual exploitation crime (in cyber space). The results of this study imply that there are changes in the type of reporting according to ideological opinions about stalking in news articles.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.357-384
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• 2013

In this study I've analyzed the strategy and techniques of the welfare discourses of korean conservative newspapers based on the discourse theory. Emphasizing the political and social characteristics of the discourse, It is investigated the way that the conservative newspapers criticize against assertions for welfare increase and universal welfare and the way that produce social meaning on welfare. The study is focused on the discourse techniques like symmetrical contrasts, making new contexts, and formation of identity. The critical welfare discourses are structured according to symmetrical contrasts of welfare to the rationality, the morality, and the prospects for future. The elements of the discourses are reinforced by one another and were recontextualized to the new stories on welfare. The conservative newspapers had emphasized secession welfare from the politics, solving the problem of inefficiency of welfare administration. Regarding the technique of identification, the newspapers had treated people as owners and victims of welfare on the role of financing welfare expenditure. It is noteworthy the newspapers have began to call people separately according to generations and income class using finance.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.8
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• pp.180-191
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• 2016

This study utilized a semantic network analysis for Korean major newspaper articles concerning 'Bernie Sanders'. 'Bernie Sanders' promotes conservative values of 'Americana' as well as the progressive values of 'relieving inequality', and thus, perhaps he is a subject on which ideological differences between the press can be distinctively manifest. Upon comparison of the priority of frequency between the conservative press and progressive press, the conservative press frequently used the expressions, 'socialist' and 'black man', whereas the progressive press frequently used the expressions, 'inequality' and 'problem'. Both the conservative press and progressive press displayed particularly different semantic compositions with the term, 'Korea'. The progressive press aimed to express the criticism of social problems and established politics identified by Sanders in relation to the 'Korean' society, whereas the conservative press criticized the blunt expressions stating that a specifically named politician resembles Sanders, and the specific party and term of 'Korea'. A completely different disposition of reports from different perspectives and context was ascertained, regardless of the use of the same terms. Thus, it is demonstrated that the semantic composition of the press on a specific issue displays significant differences according to their ideological disposition.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.40-69
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• 2016

This study examines how the Korean media has covered the leukemia case of Samsung workers. The news articles on the cases, published in the three terrestrial broadcasting stations, the five major newspapers, progressive Internet news media, conservative Internet news media, and business newspapers between 2007 and 2015, were retrieved and analyzed. Four characteristics of news reports were discovered as following: First, while conservative news media and business news media have exnominated the first phase of the case in which a civil organization Sharp claimed that Samsung workers had leukemia from their workplace; they have nominated the second phase of the case in which Samsung attempted to solve the problem by compensating the victims for their disease. Second, the media generally have displayed more interests in the results than in the causes of the case. Third, the conservative press and business newspapers have reported the case in favor of Samsung rather than laborer victims. Fourth, the conservative press have deployed market-friendly discourses, rather than problematizing the state and civil society. Through an abduktive analysis, this study argues that except the Hangyore and Kyunghyang Shinmun, most of the Korean media, assuming pro-business attitude, do not question or clarify where the responsibility of the industrial disaster lies by displaying their interests in the phase of solution, not in the phase of cause.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.152-188
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• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.195-207
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• 2020

This study aims to analyze how the Korean liberal and conservative newspapers cover the filibuster for blocking the passage of the anti-terrorism act for the protection of citizens and public security by the main opposition party. For the comparative analysis of the Korean liberal and conservative newspapers, this study analyzes how the newspapers used news frame, news source, key word, and news theme. To analyze the effects on news coverage of the newspapers' ideological orientation, this study selects six newspapers: Hankyoreh Shinmun, Kyunghyang Shinmun, Ohmynews from liberal newspapers and Chosun Ilbo, Donga Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo from conservative newspapers. According to research findings, the liberal and conservative newspapers show clear distinction while using news frames when the newspapers cover the filibuster. The liberal newspapers cover the filibuster as a positive political action while the conservative newspapers cover the filibuster as a negative political action. In addition, as key word, "disturbance" is mentioned most by the conservative newspapers while "poisonous clauses" is used most by the liberal newspapers. As a result, this study shows that newspapers are influenced by ideological orientations while covering political issues.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.100-120
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• 2011

The inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak symbolizes the success of the "Lost 10 Years" election strategy. This study investigated the meaning of the "Lost 10 Years" strategy and compared this strategy to other traditional propaganda strategies. Although the "Lost 10 Years" is a Grand National Party (GNP) election strategy, it also functions as a conservative propaganda strategy by conservative political groups and media. Thus, this study intends to compare the rhetoric of the GNP with conservative media and find any similarities between the two entities in the context of the "Lost 10 Years" propaganda strategies. This study gathered data from various conservative sources such as the GNP homepage and conservative newspapers to uncover common conservative propaganda messages. The results showed that the first-level propaganda strategies are very similar to the second-level traditional Lasswell strategies. This implies that the "Lost 10 Years" strategy benchmarked traditional propaganda strategies and the GNP won the presidential election because the effectiveness of traditional propaganda strategies was culminated with the support of the conservative media. With these research findings, the study discussed the implications of the propaganda strategies used by conservatives and future research prospects about the subject.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.86-98
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• 2022

This study explored the agenda of conservative and liberal media in reporting COVID-19, and observed the effects of each media's partisan agenda-setting on the public with the same political orientation. To this end, researchers collected 5,286 articles on COVID-19 from five newspapers, and analyzed the survey data of 1,067 respondents. Next, the researchers extracted main agenda using LDA topic modeling and analyzed the correlation between newspapers' agenda and survey respondents' agenda. As results, 15 topics such as infection, vaccine, and economic crisis appeared as the media agenda, and the difference in major agenda between conservative and liberal media was found. On the other hand, the conservative media exerted an agenda-setting influence not only on the conservatives but also on the liberals, but the liberal media did not have a significant influence on the liberals. This study contributes to the methodological expansion of agenda-setting research by introducing a new way to confirm the effectiveness of agenda-setting by combining topic modeling and survey.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.11
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• pp.85-95
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• 2017

The news media report the pledges of presidential candidates, which have important implications for political communication. This study is to investigate the difference between news coverage on the presidential candidate' s pledge and to discuss its implications. The sampled news from the two newspapers were analyzed for content analysis. Frequency analysis and Chi-square analysis are utilized with SPSS. As results, there was no difference in the tone of the article's headlines, but the difference of the tone between the article content was statistically significant. The results means that the media framing affect on the reader's perception. Follow - up study can be suggested a comparative study of past election candidates 'pledge reports, a network analysis for the news language, and a comparative analysis of newspaper coverage and broadcast coverage.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.5-27
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to explore the journalist Song Kun-Ho's ideas of Korean Journalism. The journalist Song Kun-Ho was born in 1926 and passed away in 2001. He became a reporter in 1953 when he was a student at department of law of Seoul National University. He has worked for several media and resigned the executive editor at the Dong Ah Ilbo in 1975. At that time, while many reporters of the Dong Ah Ilbo struggled for the freedom of the press, he tried to protect reporters and independence of media. After his resignation of the executive editor, he wrote many columns and several books for Korean nationalism and the democracy of journalism. Instead of working for the authoritarian military regime, he chose a lonely and rough life as an intellectual journalist in action. Finally, he, as a president, established the Hankyoreh daily newspaper which was funded by tens of thousands citizens. He passed away in 2001. His ideas of Korean journalism are nationalism, democracy, and independency. These ideas are very important to restore democratic journalism which has been at risk during the Lee Myung-bak administration.