• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.12 no.8
• /
• pp.157-166
• /
• 2012

At the recent 19th General Election, Korean papers waged a surrogate war for the parties they share ideology with. All the conventional practices remained the same - the horse race-like presentations, furthering of confrontations, disregarding policy issues, allocating larger space for commentaries and negative issues, and etc. On top of these, papers began to focus on generational conflicts and individuals at the center of widespread attention and controversies, as a new trend. Photo images are largely used in the commentaries and articles dealing with confrontational or controversial situations. Of course, while the visual images seem to reinforce the emotional appeal of the messages papers try to get across, the potential problems need be noticed that could rise when irrelevant images are used.

• Journal of Korea Game Society
• /
• v.21 no.3
• /
• pp.91-106
• /
• 2021

This study examined how news has covered games since the decision to include gaming disorder in ICD-11. Data were 694 news article on games in five major newspapers. The results indicated the following: While the proportion of reports on game industry was high, those reports were mainly straight news announcing industry status and corporate management status. Reports on game policy focused on regulations, particularly game addiction or disorder. Reports on game uses and effects showed very low rates, but they have followed the existing practices of reporting games as the cause of extreme crimes and deviant behaviors.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.26
• /
• pp.83-104
• /
• 2004

Most studies of Korean Newspaper in historical view have focused on the news writing form and editorial practice. Those studies have much rely on the memories of ex-journalist or the impression of scholars. So this study aims to give the concrete figures of news writing forms and editing practices in 1920-30's by investigating Kim Dong-Seong's activities as a journalist. He was a first journalist who studies journalism. He studied journalism during his stay in the Ohio State University as an english department student. After he came back to Seoul, he worked at the Dong-A Il Bo as an one of the first publish members. His activities as a journalist have much important meanings because of his varied works and careers. He also wrote a practical affair book for reporters which was the first book in Korea. As a result of research about Kim Dong-Seong's activities in 1920-30's, the feature of edit practice in 1920's had much emphasis not only on the headline but on the relation between type and print, and at the same time the combination of news or the change of typography was one of methods which make the editing more variety. News materials were collected varied news sources and legworks by reporter. These results show us that such a news reporting practice in 1920-30's is similar co the contemporary.

• Life and Agrochemicals
• /
• v.27 no.7 s.220
• /
• pp.26-29
• /
• 2006

최근 올바른 이해 없이 만능인양 확산됨으로써 소비자들은 친환경농업에 대한 막연한 환상과 기대를 가지고 있는 듯 하다. 그러면서 유구한 역사와 함께 하며 포식의 시대를 유인해 온 십중팔구의 관행농업에 대해서는 막연한 불안과 몹쓸 것인 양 고운눈길을 주지 않으려 한다. 불행한 현실이다. 이런 즈음에 친환경농업의 현 주소를 심도 있게 조명, 허와 실을 알게 해준 보도가 있어 눈길을 끈다. 이번 호부터 매일경제신문에 보도된「유기농 대해부」시리즈를 전재코자 한다. 친환경농업이 무엇 때문에 가능하고 얼마나 어려우며 유통현실이 어떠한가에 대한 많은 이해가 있기를 바란다

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.18 no.7
• /
• pp.103-119
• /
• 2018

This study explored news coverage on the sex crimes and analyzed news by network analysis and frame analysis based on the layered model to compare news coverage on the celebrity. As a result, in case of celebrity the broadcasting focused more and the tone of news is more sensational. The news in ground wave broadcasting more detailed on the sex crimes. It blamed the An, the governor of Chungnam more and the news is more sensational by interviewing marginal man. In #Metoo case, broadcasting news focused on the offender. The title of case name and the headline are framed based on the offender. Especially consensual relationship frame is dominated in the sex crime news. This study also can see the offender blaming frame and in the viewpoint of agenda-setting. It is difficult to find the cause of #Metoo movement and the structural approach on the case. This study highlighted the importance of layed model when analyzing the sex-crime news related with #Metoo movement.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.21
• /
• pp.147-175
• /
• 2003

This study is primarily concerned with the criteria for choosing a legitimate state plaintiff in cases involving a states request to media for a right of reply. Interpretation of the right of reply itself is different from country to country because of different constitutional views and systems in each state. Unlike the United States, the constitution of the Republic of Korea does not expressly prohibit the making of laws adversely affecting freedom of the press. Accordingly, in Korea freedom of the press may be restricted through legislation within certain limits and the right of reply is not incompatible with the spirit of the constitution. An analysis of relevant law makes it clear that the particular agency aggrieved should initiate the suit rather than the Justice Minister. The idea that the Justice Minister should assume the role of plaintiff in all state cases seems to stem from flawed interpretations of provisions in the Law Governing Registration of Periodicals and the Law Governing Litigation Involving the State. Even though each state agency has the right of reply, it should be cautioned not to abuse it as the states frequent involvement in litigation may bring on unnecessary misunderstanding and have a chilling effect on the media. The right of reply does not always imply that a certain media report in question is wrong and the media should be sanctioned for it. The right of reply is basically intended to help the general public make an informed judgment on issues presented in the media and insure fairness and balance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.79
• /
• pp.104-139
• /
• 2016

This study investigated how Korean media covered Japan's position on her past history issues proposed by Abe' Shinzo's cabinet. The researchers adopted Entman's analytical tools for frame analysis and the concept of "frame changing" proposed by Chi and McCombs. The analysis rendered several propositions. First of all, the Korean media's coverage on Japan's past history issues focused heavily on the current conflict among two nations rather than constructing a futuristic viewpoint based on a thorough discussion on the historical background of the topic. In addition, it emphasized that the conflict should be resolved by political negotiations between the two governments. Secondly, the news coverages depicted "comfort women" issues as the prime element of the conflict, describing Abe's cabinet as the major inducer of the conflict. Ideological and political divisions among Korean media did not significantly influence on how they frame Japan's past history issues. In general, Korean media took the stance of ethnocentric "patriotic journalism," advocating Korean government's position and covering the emotional reactions from Korean public instead of providing through and through objective news coverage on Japan's past history issues.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.81
• /
• pp.225-271
• /
• 2017

What is the basic nature of Korean public broadcasting system? This research explores this question through an analysis of KBS news coverage of the Korean housing market. This study spotlights the internal news production processes. In detail, this study investigates newsroom routines, such as news selection, news gatherings, and news production. As a result, this study reveals KBS can be classified as "Publicity Model" following reasons. First, KBS news selection process stresses higher viewer ratings for competitive market share and belittles public interests of serving the citizen. This caused KBS news to provide fragmented and truncated news information and to constrict high quality news of significant information for citizen. Second, KBS newsroom operates under the minimum staff resource to produce news programmes and has developed official source dependency as a routine for news gathering. Third, under the limits of report format, KBS news worked as a neutral deliverer of government message and failed to provide more detailed information and diverse viewpoints.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.30
• /
• pp.239-273
• /
• 2005

This study compares the Korean and U.S. media's coverage of the No Gun Ri massacre, analyzing their usages of sources in the stories and explaining by the perspective of media sociology why they differed in them. For the comparison with the AP's report, we selected only the reports of the Korean media which dealt with the incident itself. It was found that most of the Korean media utilized a very small number of sources, and that they relied on the victims alone. In contrast, the AP's sources were much more numerous drawn from both the victims and offenders. As a result, the Korean media failed to ensure the 'diversity of sources' and to illuminate the whole picture of the incident, although they had started to report it far earlier than the AP. From the depth interviews with the reporters, through the framework of media sociology, it was found first at the personal level, that the difference was brought about by the divergent news evaluation. It seemed that the Korean journalists regarded the incident with relatively lower news value than their U.S. counterparts. Next, at the intra-organizational level, it was conceded, neither did the Korean new media have so flexible news collecting system, nor so murk man-power and resource as the AP, which were required for the coverage of such an incident. The Korean media had not established the convention to utilize various sources with conflicting interests. Last, at the extra-organizational level, the Korean news media's coverage was still influenced by the self-censorship mechanism due to the ideologies of 'pro-Americanism' and 'anti-communism', even though the democratization of Korean society itself enabled the sensitive incident to be dealt with eventually by the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.40
• /
• pp.249-286
• /
• 2007

This study examines the main characteristics and differences on people's page in selected four national dailies, such as Chosun Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo, Seoul Shinmum and Hankyoreh Shinmun. Both Chosun Ilbo and Joongang Ilbo are categorized as the conservatives; while Seoul Shinmum and Hankyoreh Shinmun as the progressive. This study has been done by applying methods of content analysis to reveal the differences in terms of people's occupations, types of reports, their philosophies, and standards of selecting people by the dailies for the people's pages. The results shows that the conservative newspapers are very similar to the progressive newspapers in terms of occupations and the types of reports, covering the people on people's pages. More specifically, both the conservative dailies and the progressive dailies report the people for whose jobs are related to both social and cultural works. However, the conservative newspapers have much more coverages than the progressive papers in terms of the publicity reporting on the people. The conservatives are also much more reports on the people who are eager to economic success than the progressive dailies; while the progressives papers have much coverages on those who are interesting in helping others than the conservatives papers. Finally, this study reveals that the conservative dailies mainly cover those who are in publicity activities and social elite groups, while the progressive newspapers are the social celebrities and persons of fame in society.