• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.82-103
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• 2007

Neoliberalism can be seen as a path-dependent, hybrid and contradictory project that operates actually (not just ideologically) through intervention of the state that has been not weakened in its strength but different in its strategies, especially through neoliberal policies of remaking urban space. This paper seeks to characterize the development of neoliberalism and urban policies in S. Korea, by examining the trajectory of neoliberalism generated in its contextually specific way since the late 1980s, by illuminating the intersection between new neoliberal programs and the existing developmentalism of the state and changes in spatial policy with its effects, which can be divided into two phases: the first from the late 1980s to the economic crisis in 1997, and the second from the crisis to the present. This paper finally identifies several paths in which the state and the market would be interrelated, and argues that the vision of national development and spatial policy should be welfare(i.e. human)-oriented, not industry(i.e. capital)-oriented.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.2 s.119
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• pp.218-242
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• 2007

This paper is to consider the developmental process of Korean geography on the context of socio-spatial transformations of Korea, and then to suggest briefly its alternative visions. The development of knowledge including geography seems to be made under imperatives of social functions and structure in a given period, and knowledge in turn gives power for a further development of society. Modem geography in Korea has progressed on the context of capitalist development of Korean society which can be divided into two phases, that is, the period of developmentalism and that of neoliberalism. Korean geography has been developed under influence of ideologies of developmentalism and neoliberalism, and in turn has made some contributions to socio-spatial policies. Korean geography in the future, it can be suggested, should go beyond both developmentalism and neoliberalism, and put socio-spatial welfare, civil society or community, and environmental justice into its central issues.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.235-247
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• 2009

Recognizing the potential and importance of biotechnology in boosting South Korea in an environment of competitive neoliberal globalization, South Korea has actively promoted the development and commercialization of biotechnology and legislated related laws. This should not, however, be read as yet another instance of the neo-liberal 'marketization' of economic activities and the demise of nation-states. The development of biotechnology in South Korea - and its commercialization - is closely intertwined with the practice of the Korean developmental state, and this practice has led to the production of new state spaces: biotechnology clusters. This paper examines what the roles of the state in developing and nurturing biotechnology clusters are.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.5-29
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• 2013

This study criticizes the neoliberal dominance in social web popular culture from a feminist perspective. A key question is to identify the nature of the social web popular culture-is it the repercussion or recapturing of feminism in relation to the social context of the prevalence of popular cultural practices of neoliberalism and how to challenge against neoliberal ideology with the critical positioning of feminism? In dealing with these questions, four celebrities' twitter discourses are analysed. The emphasis of smartness in digital mediascape, neoliberal imperative to be competitive, autonomous, positive and affirmative, and desire and fantasy brought by postfeminist lifestyle industries are embedded in the present popular culture. The critical account of neoliberal postfeminism suggests the necessity of an critical feminism which brings about alternative values to the current neoliberal demand for the active subject and consumer freedom of choice as the standard of ideal women.

• Korean Journal of Social Issues
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.33-56
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• 2017

이 연구에서는 서구와 한국에서의 신자유주의화에 대한 기존의 연구성과들에 기반하여 한국적 신자유주의의 특징을 규명하고, 이명박 정부 이후의 구체적인 정책 변화를 검토하여 국가의 정책이 사회적 불평등에 어떠한 영향을 미쳐 왔는지를 확인하고자 한다. 전체적으로 이 연구가 던지는 질문은 다음과 같다: "국민경제는 계속 성장하고 있다는데, 나는 왜 먹고살기가 더욱 어려워지는가?"라는 질문에 대해 어떻게 대답할 것인가? 이 연구는 이론적인 차원에서 이에 대한 대답은 '신자유주의적 금융화의 진전'이라는 현상과 관련하여 설명되어야 한다는 관점에서 출발한다. 이러한 방식의 설명을 위해 이 글에서 파악하고자 하는 내용은 다음과 같다: 한국에서 신자유주의화 또는 금융화가 전개되는 독특한 양식은 무엇인가? '보수정부' 9년간의 사회경제정책은 이전 시기에 비해 어떤 특징을 나타내는가? 그리고, 이 시기에 한국사회의 사회적 불평등의 정도는 실제로 어떻게 변화하였는가? 글은 신자유주의에 대한 새로운 이론이나 금융화 및 불평등에 대한 새로운 경험적 자료를 제시하기 보다는, 금융화와 불평등에 대한 기존의 논의들을 살펴보고 한국의 신자유주의 및 금융화가 진화해 온 방식과 그 지형도를 그리는 것을 목표로 한다. 그리고 이러한 작업을 통해 향후 기대되는 연구의 방향을 제시하고자 한다. 연구는 첫째로 지난 9년간 전개된 금융정책은 금융이 산업을 지배한다기보다는 오히려 정 반대의 과정으로 진행되도록 했다는 점을 제시할 것이다. 또한, '일하는 복지'라는 사회복지정책 의제와 금융장치의 결합을 통해 개개인의 금융활동에 대한 의존을 심화시켰다는 점을 제시할 것이다. 이러한 정책적 변화들은 곧 물질적인 평등뿐만 아니라, '사회적 권리'로서의 평등을 악화시켰다고 관찰된다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.288-310
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• 2017

This paper aims to provide a conceptual framework to see the special zones in East Asia in relation to the territorialities of the state. For this, it will introduce Aihwa Ong's notion of 'spaces of exception', and provide some critical discussions on it. Unlike Ong, I do not see the spaces of exception as an outcome of neoliberal changes of the state. Instead, I propose to see the special zones in terms of the internal limitations of the modern state territoriality. In particular, I try to theorize the special zones in relation to the dialectics of the contradictory relations between mobility and fixity inherent in the territoriality of the modern nation state. In addition, it will be suggested to see special zones as an essential part of the spatiality of the East Asian developmental states, given the spatio-temporal contexts of the East Asian capitalist development. On the basis of these theoretical discussions, this paper will divide the special zones that have been developed in East Asia since the 1960s into 3 different types, including 1) developmentalist special zones, 2) neo-liberal special zones, and 3) special zones for transition, and discuss their characteristics.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.269-287
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• 2017

While Jeju Free International City was promoted to overcome the economic crisis and build a new national competitiveness in the era of globalization, its development vision as 'the hub city of Northeast Asian economy in the $21^{st}$ century' has not been realized. This paper argues that Jeju Free International City to aim for the 'ideal free market model', 'neoliberal space of exception', and 'a new testing ground for neoliberal deregulation policies' has failed due to worsening of socioeconomic and environmental contradictions, growing conflicts in local community, and the logic of equity enforced by the central government. To support this claim, this article reviews the theoretical discussions of special economic zones, examines the shifts in the development visions of Jeju Free International City, and analyzes how Jeju has become a space of exception with the introduction of various exceptional policies and spatial mechanisms.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.7-36
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• 2002

This study is concerned with analysing complexity, flexibility and dynamism of social discoursive space. The developmental process of social discourse is analogous to that of a spatial structure of social discourse. Post-capitalist society has seen New-Liberalism and New-Conservatism have become dominant, resulting in the deterioration of the cultural politics of citizenship. It is argued that the position of otherness, in which those binary structures (inside/outside or centre/margin) collide and collapse, is where subversive discourse can emerge to dominant discursive power. Furthermore, it is necessary to democratize social discursive space, through which the Other becomes able to. participate in the social production, distribution and consumption of social discourse.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2010

본 연구는 저탄소녹색성장전략의 분석을 통해 이명박 정부 하에서의 국가-시장-사회관계를 분석하고 있다. 전체적으로 이명박 정부의 정치경제발전모델이 자유주의적임을 부정하기는 어렵지만 순수하게 신자유주의적이라고 보기는 어렵다. 부분적으로 중상주의적 요소가 강하게 남아 있다. 아울러 국가와 시장간의 관계는 원칙적으로는 서로 일정거리를 유지하는 객관적인 성격을 가지고 있으나 녹색산업분야에서는 친산업·친기업적 요소가 강하게 존재하고 있다. 국가-사회관계는 갈등적이고 배제적이다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때 이명 박정부의 민주주의모델은 법적·제도적인 것이고 참여민주주의적 모델과는 거리를 두고 있다. 결국 사회배제적이고 친산업/친기업적 속성을 내포하는 한 시민사회세력의 반발에 직면하여 지속가능하지 못하게 되는 한계에 봉착하게 될 개연성이 높다.