• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.159-190
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• 2019

This paper aims to examine to the political unconsciousness of social movies that have caused social repercussions in the 2010s, and to study the social imagination of Korean films at that time. Korean Movies such as (2013), <1987>(2017) and (2017) reflect the ethos of civil society based on common sense and justice. The epic structure was the same as that of ordinary citizens, who move toward a public space (court, square) after awakening their political correctness. More than anything else, the fact that such films were based on "a historical fact" could have been a strategy to avoid censorship in the era of the blacklist. In these social films, courts and squares have become places for democracy. The conservative government of the time was tired of anti-government resistance and the politics of the square. Thus, films from directors and producers blacklisted were difficult to produce. That's why the court in the movie during this period could become a symbolic proxy for the "legitimate" reenactment of the politics of the square, which was subject to censorship and avoidance by the regime of the time. Meanwhile, the square has gradually become the main venue for political films that advocate "historic true stories." The square of the 1980s, which appeared in the movies, will be connected to the Gwanghwamun candlelight square that audiences experienced in 2017. Furthermore, it was able to reach the concept of an abstract square as an "open space for democracy." At the foundation of these works is a psychological framework that equates the trauma of the failed democratic movement of the 1980s to the trauma of the failed progressive movement of the 2010s. Through this study, we were able to see that social political films in the 2010s were quite successful, emphasizing "political correctness" and constitutional common sense. But they also had limitations as "de-political popular films" that failed to show imagination beyond the censorship of the blacklist era.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.115-142
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• 2012

This study aimed to analyze the relative influence of related variables on the university students' civic consciousness. The study sorted out the data for 1,200 university students from a larger data set collected by Son et al.(2009), and analyzed the data by a hierarchical regression analysis method. The study showed the major results in four aspects. First, personal characteristics and home environment variables had mostly no influence on the students' civic consciousness. Second, on the sub categories of the students' civic consciousness, almost no influence was found in case of the home environment variables on democratic constitution and participation-practice, and in case of the school environment variables on value and attitude. Third, among the home and school variables, parents' attitude(${\beta}$=.228) and professors(${\beta}$=.162) had positive influences on the students' civic consciousness. The results suggest that parents and professors should be the two principal axises in the cultivating process of the students' civic consciousness. Third, on the democratic participation and practice no positive influences were found in any of the social environment variables. Among the social environment variables, politicians(${\beta}$=-.238) and corporations(${\beta}$=-.097) had rather negative influences on the democratic participation and practice. These results raised the question on how school education and social political systems are operated in the democratic manners. Fourth, the study recommends that local government would establish the civic education centers, develop various civic education programs, and provide each school with the programs. The study also recommends that each university would democratize in all the school affairs, and actively implement the civic education for university students as a specialized project.

• JOURNAL OF ELECTRICAL WORLD
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• s.457
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• pp.40-44
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• 2015

국회 산업통상자원위원회 이원욱 위원(새정치민주연합 경기 화성시을)은 하나의 문제를 볼 때 겉으로 드러난 원인에만 눈길을 두지 않는다. 어떤 문제든 반드시 복합적인 배경에 기반을 두고 있고, 근본 원인을 해결해야만 그 문제도 해결된다고 판단하기 때문이다. 따라서 해결책을 찾는데 있어 단순한 접근방식이 아니라 다양한 사고에 바탕을 둔 복합적인 방식을 고집한다. 이원욱 위원으로부터 에너지산업이 당면하고 있는 복잡한 현안에 대한 근본적인 해결책을 직접 들어봤다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.67-108
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• 2017

How well citizens are represented by their representatives holds critical importance in representative democracy. While previous studies of ideological congruence have largely focused on Western established democracies, there was not as much attention paid to young democracies including, South Korea. This article investigates ideological congruence in South Korea based on multiple survey data sources collected from 2002 to 2016. When it comes to unidimensional Left-Right ideology, the distance between citizens and governments, unlike its citizen-assembly counterpart, has widened since 2000 sending a negative signal to the norm of representative democracy. As to multidimensional issue positions, however, it turns out that ideological congruence in South Korea has varied along issues such as aids to North Korea and Welfare spending. These results provide both citizens and parties with some important implications. For citizens, they are required to distinguish which party or candidate is more representative of the issue they value the most beyond a simple Left-Right line; for parties, they are required to deal with how to represent their supporters as well as today's increasing independents by strengthening their organizational capacity and providing effective party programs.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.21-28
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• 2015

This study shows what the political distrust of three nations was preserved among US, Japan, and South Korea in 2008. According to the World Value Survey research, the political distrust of three nations was reached over 70% when on the basis of national people's consciousness in 2008. Especially in the case of South Korea, the percentage of extreme distrust was the highest compared to the other countries. The reason why South Korea could not manage the nation people's political voice to the government and National Assembly. So consequently political complaining behavior channel should be erected more in the political mechanism. And Korean political parties could not manage the social development and national consolidation. Moreover, attacted the negative effects to society. Political distrust is the worst obstacle in democracy that it will be needed the national consensus to amend it.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.130-153
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine how the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$, a prevailing newspaper in Korea, has constructed 5.18 discourse. In the last thirty years or so in Korea, '5.18(the Gwangju Democratization Movement)', in both academic and social realm, has been one of the most disputed issues in the process of political change. However, little attention has been given to this topic in the field of communication study. Thus, we attempted to illuminate the construction of 5.18 dicourse by using terms analysis and discourse analysis of editorials during the period of May 18, 1980-December 31, 2010. From the study, it is found that the use of terms has changed from 'crisis' through 'resistance', 'slaughter', 'revolt' to 'democratization movement' in the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. And it is also found that 5.18 discourse has been developed in the order of 'tragic incident discourse', 'truth investigation discourse', 'rehabilitation discourse', 'deferment discourse', 'punishment discourse', 'political strife discourse' in the editorials of the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. These shifts of terms and discourse have been mostly led by socio-political changes. Based on the research results, the central characteristics of 5.18 discourse of the Korean mainstream press were elaborated and the implications of the results were discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.189-218
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• 2015

This article examines not the term "the public" or "publics"-which has various meanings-but its particular meaning, which is a group of citizens who engage in political discussion and debate with fellow citizens in order to form shared understandings and common judgments with regard to contemporary affairs and public issues. The goal of this article is to show the importance of this concept in critical studies of media and society and to analyze how this concept has been accepted in South Korean critical communication studies. In this article, critical communication studies refer to communication studies that aim to explore social meanings of communication phenomena. This article argues that little attention has been paid to the concept of the public as agreement-oriented discursive political participants in South Korean critical communication studies.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

Now labour policy of Moon Jae-in Administration is very different from the labour reform politics of the past ages in its structural conditions. Especially the difference is in the fact that the new labour policy is originated from the Candlelight Revolution in 2016 which has resisted to the 20years-long neoliberal domination. This kind of change in the political situation made a optimistic prediction with regard to the possibility of successful labour reform. However the future is in many points so uncertain that we could not confirm the success of labour reform at all. The uncertainty always resides in the structural unbalance between labour movement power and capitalist state power bloc in Korea. In this sense strategical orientation and practices of the democratic labour movement(KCTU) are very critical to produce some positive outcomes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.47
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• pp.413-437
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• 2017

National Republic of China is The republic of China (1912-1949) which experienced a bourgeois-democratic revolution so as to establish was the first and last Chinese bourgeois democratic republic in the history, During this period, great changes have taken place in Chinese society. Emerging bourgeois political began to show the power on the political stage of China. Both political and social environment in this period are turbulent and Western ideas, thoughts and various aspects concept is introduced to China in this period. As the external performance of society, civil society also has a general changed influence in all aspects of lifestyle. Due to the influence of the western design, poster design in the period of the republic of China has a variety of changes and the theme of the posters also became rich and diversity. The author, as a student, talk about the type, pattern and color characteristics of poster design in the period.