• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.3-35
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• 2009

We have innovated the records management since 2004. So, We innovated the electronic records management, transparency, and accountability. From these results, we could mark a turning point to plant the democratic values in the government It is very surprising, but it is fact that there are the estrangement between the high level institutionalization and low level records cultural soil. But after starting new government, things have been going backward. We have experienced the hyper-politicized problem, shrinking governance problem, regressive personnel policies in the National Archives of Korea. 'New Innovation Model' has resulted the shrinking democratic values, and the growing the bureaucratism. At this point of change, it will be meaningful to review the future of records management. First, we should make the more archives to realize the self-control decentralization model. It means that all local governments has the duty to build the archives, and to operate it with a principle of autonomy. Second, We should start the culture movement to build the more archives, the small archives in private sector. Archives are necessary in the NGO, Universities, firms, art, media, etc. And the small archives are necessary in the various communities, which enhance the rights of minority. All these will spread the democratic values in our society. Third, right democracy system should be operated for the political neutrality, independency. This problem is not prohibited within the national archives innovation model. So, we should transfer the powers of government to local government, and we should re-innovate the National Archives Committee will have the role to make the important records management policies. In short, Unless going to forward with the more democratic values, it would go backward 'records management without democracy'.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.1
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• pp.343-368
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• 2011

This Study aims to criticize national pension fund governance reform plan of Korea government and to search for an alternative direction of the reform. Firstly, I examine the theoretical basis of the Korean government reform plan by clarifying limits of application of agency theory to the public pension fund governance. Secondly, I try to reconstruct principles of the public pension fund governance with an alternative theoretical view emphasizing democracy principle. Thirdly, I evaluate the government reform plan with the basis of reconstructed pension fund governance principles. The government reform plan is expected to cause retrenchment of democracy and even political autonomy. It also would make worse the problem of pension fund autonomy from the financial market and the risk of the pension fund caused by market turbulence. Finally I suggest alternative direction of the pension fund governance reform emphasizing the democracy principle. This direction contains constructing co-determination structure of the state and the civil society, escalating controling power of the governing body to the administration body, setting the limits of the roles of the state, attaining of the autonomy from the financial market, strengthening organizational and social accountability.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.391-406
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• 2024

The current distribution of digital news has the potential to produce politically biased information for users as a result of individual choices and media selection based on those choices. Consequently, this research explored the factors affecting individual news selection and the effects of opinion changes and political participation that can occur when news tailored to users' partisan preferences is recommended. The phenomenon of selective exposure has been shown to be stronger when individuals utilize more limited information processing, experience higher discussion efficacy among groups with similar political beliefs. Furthermore, When a selective exposure group was randomly provided with a one-way message news that matched their partisan leanings, it was found that opinion consolidation, opinion-reinforcing information processing, and online political participation. On the other hand, when they were randomly presented with two-way messaging news in which the media balanced two competing partisan positions, they were found to be more likely to understand the other side's views and arguments, and more willing to adjust their existing opinions. We are confirmed that the balanced use of various opinions is very important in deliberative democratic process.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.381-395
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• 2007

After the democratization process since 1988, the national scale voting behavior in congressional elections has changed from a rural-government party and urban-opposite party connection to a political regionalism oriented pattern. In this context, the case study with provincial border regions aims to investigate possible party identification change of the region, and to find a relationship between polling score ratio and socio-political characteristics of the candidates. As a result, Yeongdong shows a strong negation to the presumed Chungcheong local party and shows a continuous party identification with the Kyungsang local party. Muju reveals a more or less weakened identification with the Jeolla local party, on the contrary, Kimcheon shows a unchanged strong identification with the Kyungsang local party. The regional neighborhood effect was verified quite partly between the subdivision districts of the border regions. With a application of linear fitting method, it is certified that voters have attached great importance to the belonging party, native place, as well as political career of the candidates as a voting criterion.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.80-89
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• 2017

Television viewing affects viewers' attitudes and opinions on their political issues. Since the beginning of General Programming TV services in 2011, they are criticized of their politically biased programming. In order to investigate the effect of General Programming TV on voters' behavior, we analyzed whether or not there is a change in the voting behavior of the conservative parties among the areas with high and low TV ratings of general programming TV. Based on the result of 18th presidential election in December 2012, we could not find any difference in voting behavior on the Saenuri party among the areas with high and low ratings of general programming TV channels. However, in the 6th provincial election in June 2014, while the voting shares of the Saenuri party were higher in the areas with high ratings of TV Chosun, Channel A, and JTBC than in those areas with low ratings.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.34
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• pp.275-305
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• 2006

The main research question of this paper is as follows: How can broadcasting both cause the crisis in democratic participation and yet also offer the solution? The contradiction in broadcast localism has never been adequately resolved in spite of regulation at all in practice, in that localism simply cannot account for the diversity of modern life and for the external forces that incorporate local communities into much larger economic and communications network. The concept of locality in local television, however, has been multiplied and enlarged in order to adjust to "time-space compression". Recently the local television have been "interface" combining and negotiating the globalization of media market and the decentralization of political power, the economies of scale and the activation of local democracy, consequently aiming at the horizontal-cooperative network instead of old vertical-dependent one.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.125-136
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• 2011

This article is exploring the possibility of establishment of a 'Smart Citizens Party'. In the society based the social computing, the individual leads the technical progress and the society which is adapted for this circumstance is changing in the direction of user-centric. Also, in the political process, we can see this social phenomenon. In other words, there's a quite possibility that decision-making structure may shift from the top-down approach to the bottom-up approach by the networked individuals or flexible voluntary group. In this context, this paper will propose the 'Smart Citizens Party' model that accept the change of political and social environment due to the advent of the social computing and cope with this change. The 'Smart Citizens Party' means the 'Party for Smartizen' of this social computing era. The 'Smart Citizens Party' is the intermediate party that link the political party to the civil society and is smart citizen's party that is operated democratically by active participation of citizens. This paper will review on structure and operational issues of political parties in Korea and study future-oriented solution and/or way to discovered problems of political parties in Korea.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

In order to reveal the differentiation of Nietzsche's justice theory, this paper attempted an intrinsic analysis of the political act of establishing a social contract with others through the fundamental concept of "will to the power", and the politics of modern nation including utilitarianism, liberalism and democracy. I will deal with criticism of ideology. In other words, it will be a work to clarify the fictitiousness and errors by digging out the ground of the value of justice as 'genealogical psychology' which strips off the psychological layers hidden behind the name of universal truth called 'virtue'. By dismantling the notion of self-righteous justice based on 'virtue' from 'immorality' as well as 'out of morality', it aims to reveal a new emotional dimension based on love, not retaliation. When Nietzsche emphasizes the role of positive emotions such as 'mercy' and 'forgiveness' rather than negative emotions such as revenge, retaliation, and grudge, while analyzing justice in the dynamics of power relations, By allowing exception rule, we will critically analyze whether universality and consistency are lost.