• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.718-734
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• 2012

This study investigates the interference of politics of regional cleavage in the redistricting for national assembly election and its effects on gerrymandering and malapportionment. Since the Constitutional Assembly election, the argument about gerrymandering and malapportionment continues and the single-member election district with simple plurality system in Korea has aggravated the problem of cleavage and unfairness. Especially, redistrictings for national assembly election in 2008 and 2012 are suspected of gerrymandering by Saenuri party and Democratic United party. Yeongnam region where Saenuri party is dominant and Honam region where Democratic United party is, are over-represented compared to population, while the districts in Gyeonggi-do are under-represented and the need for increasing the number of districts has been ignored. These redistrictings might come from unfair and collusive interference of politics of regional cleavage, and consequently malapportionment has been brought about.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.59-98
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to examine how the politics of 'femicide(femicidio)' or 'feminicide(feminicidio) is embodied in Latin America. To this end, I tried to grasp the political nature of these terms through the debate over the terms of 'femicide' vs 'feminicidio' and the process of establishing concepts. In Latin America, the 'Declaration on Femicide' in 2008 emphasized the responsibility of the state, and as demands for countermeasures against feminism increased, each country enacted the femicide law. However, due to the lack of mechanisms to implement the law, investigations, or punishments for the perpetrators have not been properly conducted. And femicide is becoming more serious. Recently, #NiUnaMenos, the 8M International Women's Day strike, and performances started in Chile are spreading out of Latin America, gaining sympathy around the world. Also, these actions are emerging as one of the new political movements that demand a democracy with gender equality, adding different agendas according to the situation of each region, including femicide, with strong cohesion.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.147-156
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• 2017

This research aimed at suggesting the implication of Korean unification education based on German unification education, which country achieved unification from the divided country as Korea. Germany named unification education as the political education. German political education includes democratic citizen education, peace education, and solidarity education between the peoples. Also, besides school unification education, civic organization and parties treat political education. German political education is conducted by being shared with role by main government and several organizations, when the federal government level suggests a big frame. Also, political education with proper content could be conducted suitable for the characteristic of main area and the color of the party and civic organizations. Of course, federal government supports administrative financial support enough on this. In such situation, German people have naturally accepted and developed political education without distance. This situation has lots of implication on Korea. First, systematic system of unification education. In Korea, unification education is conducted mainly by Ministry of Unification and Education Center for Unification. However, in order to naturally approach the people, systematic system synthesizing civic organization, local government, religious organization, and educational local government should be established. Second, 'integration within acknowledgement of diversity'. In Korea, also, diversity should be acknowledged by being suggested by the country with the big frame, and the detailed parts by various institutions and civic organizations as Germany. Third, conversion to integrated education of unification education. Germany is conducting comprehensive education naming unification education as the political education. We also should prepare for coming unification in the near future by complementing the content by converting the mere unification education to comprehensive and integrated education.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.5 s.104
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• pp.735-754
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• 2004

This paper provides an overview of political ecology, a body of theory that focuses on the links between political and economic inequality on the one hand, and environmental degradation on the other. Adopting a tripartite classification scheme that identifies three political ecology traditions -'classical', 'democratic' and 'poststructuralist'- the discussion shows the need for a move within the poststructuralist tradition away from a narrow and quasi-idealistic focus on discourse to a more robust philosophical engagement with ontological and epistemological issues grounded in Gilles Deleuze's development of Nietzschean materialism. From there. the author draws on numerous examples from Canada, and surveys the available literature on 'bioregionalism', a relatively new intellectual tradition evolved from the North American environmental social movements of the 1970s and 1980s. The so-called 'bioregional approach' stresses that administrative units need to reflect (rather than transect) eco-geographical and cultural features. Bioregionalism is described and assessed as a potential pragmatic research framework for geographers and other planners wishing to respond proactively to the call for a revamped, poststructuralist political ecology. The paper concludes that a bioregional approach to political ecology avoids the weaknesses identified by certain critics, provides scope for consideration of fundamental philosophical ideas, and as such, represents a practical development of a poststructuralist political ecology.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.69-81
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• 2021

Pakistan is a South Asian auspicious developing country. Based on the corruption perception index report 2020 by transparency international, Pakistan has ranked 124 with total scores of 31 globally and 188 ranks with a score of -2.25 in terms of political stability ranging from 0 (lowest) to 100 (highest). More crucially, the inflow of foreign direct investment toward Pakistan has declined between 2008 and 2019. Though political instability and government corruption have both positive and negative linear relationships with foreign direct investment, we tested the moderating impact of government corruption between political instability and inward foreign direct investment over time. We also tested the relationship between political instability and inward foreign direct investment in different phases of political regimes in the same country. Our results suggested that authoritarian regimes attracted more inward foreign direct investment than that during democratic periods of government. Furthermore, we found that there was low inward foreign direct investment when government corruption was high in the country. However, government corruption weakened the positive relationship between political instability and inward foreign direct investment (FDI).

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.7
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• pp.157-169
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• 2015

This study focuses on Korea films of historical communication. Narrative analysis was conducted on the films in 2000s including , and <26 Years> that mainly have dealt with the 'Gwangju Democratization Movement'. As a result of the syntagmatic analysis, these films try to stabilize 'social imbalances' in the aspect of individuals and conceals issues of social structure. In addition, the result of paradigmatic analysis reveals that textual factors of 'active involvement of female characters', 'continuity of history through the survivors' demonstrate its strategies to publicize the historical truth. Consequently these films show its limitations that weakens historical meaning by placing unsolved problems of social structure as well as the love story. But rather than describing it as a history of the past, these films act as a catalyst to bring thins specific historical issue to our present lives and publicize it as a current issue. Therefore, the historical film not only allows current generation to remind to history but also to provide an opportunity to publicize the important issues of social structure in the present society.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.5-35
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• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.121-144
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• 2018

The year 2016 in Cambodia witnessed the collapse of Cambodian democracy. Promising results in terms of fairness the communal elections achieved were eclipsed by the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party. With press and civil society also being silenced, the ruling Cambodian People's Party expects no more challenge to its authoritarian rule. The economy continued it growth in 2017. However, serious problems embedded in its structure threaten the likelihood of sustainable development. Cambodia with solid China backing began to amp up its voice on the international stage, heading to a head-on collision with big donators including the United States.