• Title/Summary/Keyword: 민주정치

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Korean Politics of 20 years after Democratic Transition: Delayed Reform and New Challenge (민주화 20년의 한국정치: 지체된 개혁과 전환기의 혼돈)

  • KIM, Man-Heum
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.15 no.2
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    • pp.131-158
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    • 2009
  • 20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

Between Regime Change and Political Development: Myanmar's Defective Democracy and the Task for the Political Development (체제 전환과 정치발전의 사이에서: 미얀마의 결손민주주의와 정치발전의 과제)

  • JANG, Junyoung
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.4
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    • pp.161-196
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    • 2018
  • The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

Democracy and its Impact on Economic Development in Sub-Saharan Africa (아프리카 사하라 이남의 민주정치와 경제발전의 관계 연구)

  • Mudoh, Sanji Walters;Lee, Chang Seek
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.12 no.8
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    • pp.29-34
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    • 2014
  • This study aimed to clarify the relationship which exists between democracy and economic development within Sub-Saharan Africa. It strived to bring out a comprehensive analysis of the reasons why the pace of democratization is slow within this region and why until present date, there are just patches of real democracies there. The work also focuses on the reasons why despite democratic movements, economic growth rates have remained lagging behind average until of recent that, and some few countries have emerged to join the list of fastest growing economies in the world. The study further highlights the unique path of Sub-Saharan Africa democratization process should follow since it does not possess the various factors that favored the democratization processes of most developed countries. In order to obtain the objectives, previous studies and statistical data published by official institutes were analysed by using contents analysis methods. Lastly, it proceeds to explain the important role that democracy plays in inclusive economic growth.

Intelligent Information Technology and Democracy : Algorithm-driven Information Environment and Politics (지능정보기술과 민주주의: 알고리즘 정보환경과 정치의 문제)

  • Min, Hee;Kim, Jeong-Yeon
    • Informatization Policy
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    • v.26 no.2
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    • pp.81-95
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    • 2019
  • This study explores how the advanced data analysis capabilities of intelligent information technology are being utilized in politics. In particular, we focus on the fact that voter behavioral targeting in election campaigns comes into conflict with the democratic process in various ways. For this purpose, this study examines political micro-targeting and political bots. It is aimed at showing that these technology-based campaign techniques work as a factor preventing free expression of opinions and discussions, which are the core of democracy itself. Then we identify the attributes of the algorithm that affects them. As a result, this study suggests that the following issues might arise regarding intelligent information technology-based politics and democracy. First, inequality in political participation becomes more severe. Second, the public debate between voters gets more difficult. Third, superficial politics is prevalent. Fourth, single-issue politics and the exclusion of political representation is likely to increase. Fifth, political privacy might also be invaded. Based on our discussions, this study concludes that it is our role to find ways by which intelligent information technology and democracy can coexist.

Politics of Candlelight Protest and Democratic Theories in Korea (촛불의 정치와 민주주의 이론: 현실과 이론, 사실과 가치의 긴장과 균형)

  • Jaung, Hoon
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.23 no.2
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    • pp.37-66
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    • 2017
  • Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

The Crisis of Democracy and Sensational Partisan Journalism Focusing on Political Talk Shows by Channel A and TV Chosun (민주주의의 위기와 언론의 선정적 정파성의 관계에 대한 시론 채널A와 TV조선의 정치시사토크쇼를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Junghoon;Lee, Sang-Khee
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.77
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    • pp.9-35
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    • 2016
  • This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

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Meritocracy and Democracy: in the Context of Confucian Modernity (메리토크라시와 민주주의: 유교적 근대성의 맥락에서)

  • Chang, Eun-Joo
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • no.119
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    • pp.1-33
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    • 2017
  • This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

Political Change in Thailand and the Philippines: Democratic Recession? Returning to Authoritarianism? (태국과 필리핀의 정치변동: 민주화의 후퇴? 재권위주의화?)

  • SEO, KyoungKyo
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.4
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    • pp.77-114
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

Democracy, leadership and political culture in Korea: With specific focus on political efficacy and trust (한국의 민주주의, 리더십과 정치문화: 정치효능감과 신뢰를 중심으로)

  • Uichol Kim
    • Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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    • v.8 no.2
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    • pp.137-170
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    • 2002
  • The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.

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Comparative Patterns of Political Institutions and Social Policy Developments (정치제도가 사회정책의 발전에 미치는 효과에 관한 비교 연구)

  • Hong, Kyung-Zoon
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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    • v.62 no.3
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    • pp.141-162
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    • 2010
  • This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

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