• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2002

The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.19-35
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• 2021

The purpose of this research is to investigate the attributes of the online world and to analyze their influence on democracy. The research focuses on the mayoral by-elections that were held in Seoul and Busan, South Korea, on April 4, 2021. The study demonstrates the characteristics of online spaces and the polarization of the online public through news articles and user comments from the Internet. The research includes topic modeling to measure the diversity of media reports, sentiment analysis to measure online public opinion, and interrupted time series analysis to understand how a particular event influences online attitudes. A combination of these methods is used to attempt to estimate the strength of political polarity in the online environment. The study shows diverse media reports by election region and candidate, where the online public repeatedly reveals high negative and low positive attitudes towards each candidate. Moreover, political polarity can differ based on the level of interest in an election. Although voters pay less attention to a by-election than a presidential election, there is a solid political polarity in the online world. Hence, the research recommends preparing measures to alleviate the polarization as politics requires significant online participation.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.14
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• pp.1-13
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• 2008

The infinite imagination and variety of material, and freedom of expression are fundamental elements of the comics. However, although the freedom of comics expression is linked with the liberty of speech and press, it's expression is constrained by a public authority and social pressure, self-regulation. This paper explains some problems and desirable freedom of expression thought researches on constraints of comics expression of Korea and Japan.

• Annual Conference of KIPS
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• 2023.11a
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• pp.394-395
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• 2023

본 연구는 최근 서울시의 모든 지역이 과밀억제권역에 해당되는 문제를 해결하는 방법을 분석하였다. 서울시 행정동별 소득수준, 사업체 통계, 거주인구 데이터, 매출액, 대중교통 승차 승객 수 등의 변수를 활용하여 2번의 클러스터링을 거쳐 진행하였다. 2번에 걸쳐 클러스터링 된 군집별 특징을 바탕으로 서울시 내 미비 업종 진단을 제안한다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.359-384
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• 2008

Nowadays, newspaper industry faces a crisis in terms of two aspects: First, in this multi-channel era, it has competed with the online journalism appearing in many digital media. Second, with the decrease of numbers of readers and political participation, the roles of newspaper has to be changed accordingly. The concept of civic journalism emerged as a solution in this context. The purpose of the study is to explore the factors in how journalists perceive the civic journalism. The Q-methodology was adapted to identify the factors composing of the belief, values, attitudes, ideas, and opinions toward the civic journalism. Total of 24 Q-sample (statements) were sorted by 27 P-sample (journalists) who were selected by their gender, years of service, and the like. The Quanl program finally produced 3 factors that were interpreted and named as follows: Factor I, the Complimentary Journalism, the civic journalism would fulfill the functions that traditional journalism has neglected. Factor II, the Alternative Journalism inducing the citizen's participation in the public areas. Factor III, the Functional Journalism, emphasizing dysfunction of the civic journalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.88-118
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• 2014

This study attempted to clarify (1) the meaning of 'people's livelihood (Minsaeng, 民生)' conveyed by the newspapers in Korean society and the specific matter it refers to, and (2) consider the discourse formed by the newspapers and what does and does not change in that discourse over the passage of time. Editorials were classified and analyzed based on the framework of Fairclough's critical discourse analysis(CDA). It was clear, from the political perspective, that the discourse was respectively formed and changed for each administration. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' was critical and at the same time generally negative, because it dealt with the important social incidents or controversies of the time. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' related to the massive social streams of Korea's democratization and globalization process. Whereas the discourse on 'people's livelihood' in the 1990s, seen from an economic perspective, tried to resolve labor strikes, inflation rate, housing problem, and financial crisis. The discourse in the 2000s changed to issues ranging from economic growth and distribution to bi-polarization problem, job creation, abolishment of non-regular employments, etc. The meaning of 'people's livelihood' produced in the editorials of the major daily newspapers is different from the word's dictionary definition as 'the people's lives'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.50-72
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.187-219
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• 2009

Under the pressure of the selection of topics and the presentation rules of mass media, politics in media society increasingly resort to professionalized forms of theatrical staging as a means of self-portrayal. Although these staging methods are not contradictory to what is actually going on in politics, they strongly advantage the tendency to focus exclusively on the staging of an event. Through their competition for public attention, politicians have been developing sophistication regarding placement and staging of events as well as regarding factual information. In the process of this transformation, politics that are issue-related and based on binding decisions are being gradually transformed into symbolic politics. Moreover, through their appearance on TV, politicians first of all need to possess presentational skills which are not necessarily related to their political achievements. Still, presentational skills decide over the success in politics of those politicians. The reason is that a politician who possesses presentational skills is still being perceived as being successful even if his political achievements notedly lag behind. On the other hand, political achievements are being underrated if a politician lacks the talent to present himself in front of the media. “The staging of politics, “politainment”, on the stage of mass media is evolving into a key structure which is responsible for a new coinage of politics in all different kinds of dimensions: the selection of staff, the role of action programs and their impact for the legitimation of political acting, even in relation to therole of pivotal political institutions such as parties and parliaments in the political process. The TV debates during the Bundestag elections of the year 2002 and 2005 are being analyzed and judged as “staging of politics”(politainment). Self-dramatization in media society concerning media discourses about politics and political self-portrayal has become a basic principle of political communication. Self-dramatization is a vital challenge for adequate political communication and content-based orientation in our present media democracies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.53-75
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• 2013

This study looks into Dooriban movement, which problematizes the ways in which social movements are carried out in everyday settings in modern Korea. Contrary to traditional social movements, Dooriban movement led by active/independent participants -who are locally situated and culturally sensitized- showed a new way of engaging with political power. Making use of qualitative methodology such as in-depth interviews and participant observation, this research examines the implications of emergent cultural practices that redefine and reconfigure the working mechanisms of social movements in Korea today.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.87-113
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• 2006

This study aims to theoretically examine the validity of argument that market-opening will improve the audience welfare of media and cultural contents. To accomplish its purpose, first of all, this study classifies the spectrum of approaches on cultural market-opening in Korea. Then, it examines, by the concept of public goods, whether market-opening can bring on economic gains for audience as consumer. Finally, this study inspects the profit and loss for audience as citizen which will be brought on by market-opening on the grounds of democratic value. As a result of this study, the improvement of economic efficiency and competence, the expansion of consumer‘s choices, the preservation of cultural value that the positive approach on market-opening is promising cannot be justified theoretically and logically. Therefore, at least in theoretically, the conclusion that market-opening cannot improve the audience welfare is deduced. However, the objection of market-opening cannot be related to the distorted protectionism of nation culture. On the contrary, this study suggests the condition of market-opening debate must be a opportunity to reconsider and reform of cultural diversity in Korea.