• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.53
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• pp.5-43
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• 2017

This article adapts the democratic approach to the National Archives System. We must now search for a new archival landscape. Authors are agreeing that democracy is a basic principle for the new national archives model. This research looks into the direction of reform of the national record organizations in terms of individuality, integrity, and professionalism. It is, the fact that there are discussions rising on the need to reform the national records organization in the recent perspective of democracy. Democracy is a system that takes responsibility of even the results. This article describes all the discussions on what the best model for national archives system could be. In this social regulation, the archives carry out a noble mission of accountability. The discussion that suggests a clear perspective of democracy must be taken in to notice. Authors try to represent the voices of records managers. They also argue that records managers are the common wealth for our society. The national archives system is now the signature for the moral identity of national ruling powers. We argue that the new archives model should be derived from the point of the Candle Revolution.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.spc
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• pp.133-161
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• 2005

The present paper examines trust, interpersonal relationship, and civil society in Scandinavia and East Asia. In the first section, the concepts of trust and democracy are defined. In the second section, the cultural transformations that paved the way for the development of democracy in the West and Scandinavia are reviewed. In the third section, the basis of trust and democracy in East Asia, focusing on Confucianism, is reviewed. In the fourth section, a review of an empirical study conducted with a national sample in Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Korea is presented. The results indicate that both the Scandinavian and East Asian respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy and trust close ingroup members. East Asian respondents are less likely than Scandinavian respondents to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and much less likely to trust political and government institutions. Scandinavian respondents prefer tolerant leaders who lead by ideas, while Koreans prefer strong paternalistic and moral leaders. Japanese respondents are less supportive of paternalistic leaders. Overall, results indicate that in Scandinavia and East Asia, although the basic ideas about democracy and human rights are similar, the methods of implementing these ideas are different. When compared with Scandinavia, there is much lower transparency and accountability in East Asia. In the final section, the challenges that the modern democracies face are discussed.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.41-58
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• 2009

Historically the relation between the power and archives is inseparable. Archives are the recorded traces of political actions and an intention of power has a considerable effect on the existence of archives. In the democratic society the power serves people on the basis of the archives adopted as an evidence of political actions. Archives play an important role for the balance of power, which is a principle point of democracy. Considering the function and symbolism of archives, its proper and reasonable management is connected directly to the protection of people's rights.

• The Korean Journal of Mycology
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.38-53
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• 2005

Until recently, many scientific names of Korean Aphyllophorales have been used in a state of confusion. Korean names of Aphyllophorales species recorded until recently were listed here and, among them, 40 misnamed species were renamed according to The Proposal for the Unification of Korean Names for Mushrooms recommended by the Korean Society of Mycology in 1978. This list contains rearranged 411 species of 144 genera from 23 families in Korean Aphyllophorales.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.488-504
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• 2021

This article examined the historical evolution of changes in the democratization of fashion, identified its characteristics, and defined 'fashionocracy - fashion democracy'- by analyzing various phenomena in the global fashion industry. This research will expand the field of fashion research and spark academic debates about fashion democracy. The democratization of fashion can be summarized in five periods; birth, introduction, early growth, growth, and maturity. The characteristics of the democratization of fashion include individual autonomy, accessibility that many people can access and enjoy, and diversity. According to the principles of democracy- "of the people, for the people, by the people" - which are based on freedom and equality, we have achieved fashion of the people and for the people so far. Furthermore, social media has shifted the balance of power to influencers and bloggers; as such, the masses who have consumed and enjoyed fashion democratization are becoming producers and promoters by actively participating in the process of making fashion, creating a new era of fashion democracy (fashionocracy): - by the people. Ultimately, fashionocracy consists of the '6P's' ; people (active and productive consumers), planet (society and environmental sustainability), products (genderless, ageless, inclusive), price (reasonable), place (multi-channel distribution, virtual spaces), and promotion (horizontal).

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.157-188
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• 2016

Since democratic transition in the early 1990s, constitutionalism is getting more important for democratic consolidation in Africa. Using Afribarometer data set, this paper explains influences on public confidence in judiciary. High levels of public trust in judiciary is a necessary condition for judicial system to work effectively in emerging democracy. Unlike existing studies focusing on the function of judiciary and legal procedures, this paper is interested in the relationship between how ordinary Africans perceive the attitudes of the chief executive toward judiciary, the rule of law, and judicial corruption and their confidence in judiciary. The results show that those who think that the chief executive is likely to respect the constitution and the judiciary, that the law applies to everyone equally, and that there are few corrupt judicial personnel are likely to show high levels of confidence in judiciary. This study argues that the tension between laws and politics have a significant influence on transitional justice in emerging democracy.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.147-178
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• 2018

In this thesis, the author elaborates on how acceding to the Eurocentric paradigm-driven dichotomy of the premodern vs. modern engenders a logic bottleneck that debilitates academic efforts to explore the formation of the Korean constitution. Following this logic, the author will add credence to the belief that though the West may have had an influence on the formation of Korean democracy, the institution Korea enjoys today is a result of proactive and self-driven interpretation of those influences through the lens of local tradition. This insight is a prerequisite to understanding the spirit of Korea's First Constitution as a result of Koreans creative translation of Western democracy and Republicanism in the Korean context, and one whose roots lie deep in Confucian Great Harmony Thought. Through this, the thesis aims to offer insight into how Confucian Great Harmony Thought can shed light on the historical background of the spirit of Korea's Constitution.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.143
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• pp.1-26
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• 2017

Wright wants to create a democratic egalitarian society through his real utopias project where everyone is guaranteed the access to material and social means or opportunities for human flourishing and where democracy is maximized. However, he does not provide a convincing rationale for his democratic egalitarianism. This paper shows that the basic income derived from the equal rights to commons can be a convincing basis for his democratic egalitarianism. This paper then restructures his real utopias project into a more consistent system based on the basic income derived from commons. It also argues that Wright's vision of Real Utopias overlaps with the vision of a 'sharing society', a 'society based on democratically managed and controlled commons and basic income'. This article therefore argues that the Real Utopias Project and the basic income project can on the one hand develop based on these overlaps and correlations and on the other, based on each other's results.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.