• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.202-221
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• 2014

시진핑 시대를 맞이하여 중국은 국제사회에서 높아진 중국의 위상에 부응하는 지위와 권한을 인정받을 수 있는 외교정책으로서 최소한의 요구조건이 바로 핵심 이익(Core interests)을 지켜내는 것이며 이와 관련하여 국정목표로 '중국의 꿈'의 실현을 제시했다. 이에 따라 중국은 해양 분야에서 해양강국의 특징으로 다음 네 가지를 들고 있다. 첫째는 해양 경제 발전이며, 둘째는 해양 과학기술의 혁신, 셋째는 우아하고 아름다운 해양생태환경 조성, 넷째는 해양 방위능력을 중강하여 국가주권을 효과적으로 방위하고 해양의 평화발전을 수호하는 강력한 실력을 갖추는 것이다. 작금의 정세에서 보여지듯이 중국은 서해를 비롯하여 동·남중국해에서 매우 도전적인 해양활동을 보이고 있다. 이는 그동안 미국의 지역에 안정과 평화를 유지하기 위해 군사력을 주둔시켜 온 미국의 동아시아 해상정책에 대한 도전으로도 인식되기에 충분하다. 그렇다면 이에 대한 미국의 역할은 무엇인가. 필자는 다음 네 가지를 주장한다. 첫째, 더 좋은 상황 조성을 위해 역할 한다. 둘째, 모든 문제에 대해 방관자적인 입장에 선다. 셋째, 중국에 대해 보다 강경한 입장을 취한다. 넷째, 현상유지를 위해 노력한다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.887-905
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• 2003

In this paper, we first understand the concept of imperialism as a 'a dialectical relation between territorial and capitalistic logics of power', as suggested by Harvey, and its history with three phases, the last of which would be seen as the phase of new imperialism. Secondly, we examine the New Security Strategy of the U.S which can be seen as a reflection of the new imperialism of the U.S. with its neo-conservative Bush administration, and explain the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as the implementation of the new imperialism. And then we take a close look on the current geopolitical situation of East Asia, especially North and South Korea, Japan and China, in terms of the new imperialist foreign policy of the Bush administration. Finally, we consider the limits of the new imperialism of the U.S. and globally emerging movements of anti-imperialism.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.137-162
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• 2018

This paper covers the issues including geopolitical effects of sea power on sea space in East Asia and its nature in a perspective of the past and the present. This paper analyzes the significance of Sea Power which is emphasized in Mahan's Theory of Insular Dominance and grasps the geopolitical nature of Sea Power. Along with this awareness, it deals with the problem of designated strategic phenomenon that is spreading to the Pacific Ocean with the concept of the Island Chain in China in the 21st century. Around the turn of 20th century, Japan materialized the policy of Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere which was planned to expand power sphere in sea space in the East Asia based on sea power and China took shape of the concept of Island Chain in the 21st century, which has divided sea space in East Asia. Under the circumstance that China's policy of island chain faced the resistance from countries in the East Asia as well as the USA, the question about whether Korea's policy of depending on sea power is valuable even in the 21st century has been raised.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.293-313
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• 2016

In the East Asian region, the advancement of trade networks is being facilitated, which turns out that economic integration across borders is being advanced due to FTA expansion, freedom of business activity growing through the reform of regulatory system in each country, and the processing of division of labor between processes across borders. Trans-Pacific Partnership(TPP), which is a U.S. led multilateral FTA, was signed on February 4 2016 in Auckland, New Zealand by 12 countries, by which changes in the East Asia Trade Network are also expected. For this reason, this study examined the impact that TPP would have on East Asia Trade Network. According to the result of this study, it was determined that TPP, as the regulation and system which will lead globalization of the supply chain, will change Supply Chain structure and result in a positive effect on Value Chain. This will have a significant impact on the East Asian trade network, and connect to enhanced competitiveness of participating enterprises. In addition, TPP seems to be the basis for realization of FTAAP(Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific) in the future, Therefore, Korea who has high Degree of Dependence upon Foreign Trade will have to pay make political effort to effectively deal with this changing trading environment in East Asia.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.121-138
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• 2010

This paper investigates the effectiveness of the Bretton Woods II hypothesis, by analysing the relationship between the exchange rates and the U.S. current account against 9 Asian countries for the period of 1999-2008. According to the estimation results, It is found that the Asian currencies' real depreciation significantly have worsened the U.S. current account against the Asian countries. Also, the U.S. current account was significantly affected by GDP and investment of the U.S. and the Asian countries. Thus, It is hard to say that the main driver of the global imbalance is the exchange rates devaluation policies of Asian countries as the Bretton Woods II hypothesis argues. The global imbalance is more likely to be complementally affected by savings glut in the Asian region and the deficiency of net saving in the U.S. Therefore, the global imbalance is expected to adjust when economic conditions besides exchange rates change.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.59-77
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• 1997

Multicultural literature serves as a device for mutual understanding of different cultural. racial, and ethnic groups. This sort of literature is like a window through which a reader can see what other value systems are. It also helps minority children discover their own cultural past and develop a sense of belonging. The purpose of this study is to investigate the general characteristics of East Asian American characters in English language children's fiction and to highlight the differences among three groups : Chinese Americans, Japanese Americans, and Korean Americans.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-188
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• 2016

This paper argues that the establishment of the Kaohsiung Export Processing Zone (KEPZ), the first EPZ in East Asia, is a compromise of cold-war geopolitical economy in the 1960s. The KEPZ is part of the liberalization policy advise of the US Aid agency which intended to push the KMT (Kuomintang) government to downsize the nationalized sectors and foster private enterprises and encourage foreign investments. However, the KMT state hesitated to embrace the advice wholeheartedly but was forced to implement selectively the policies. To meet the compromise between liberalization and control, the KMT government takes advantage of the KEPZ to grab the geoeconomic opportunities emerging from the new international division of labor in the 1960s without losing the geopolitical support from the US. The idea that zoning as a space of compromise would provide a subtle re-examination of the rise of the KEPZ which is conventionally explained by the functionalist arguments such as increase of employment opportunities, foreign investments and export by the far-sighted developmental state.

• The Journal of shipping and logistics
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• v.34 no.4
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• pp.657-675
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• 2018

This study examines various policy programs for the creation of green harbors in major ports in the Northwest of the United States and suggests ways to apply them to major ports in Korea. Based on the fuzzy analysis process, the importance of major policy programs for the development of green ports in Korea was compared and analyzed. As a result of importance analysis, the Green Ship Incentive Program and the Carbon Footprint Program were identified as the most important policies. The first policy programs that should be introduced to Incheon Port are the AMP installation operation program and a vessel slowing program around the seaport. In case of Busan Port, the AMP installation operation program, the vessel slowing program around the seaport, carbon footprint, and installation of DPF were found to be excellent policies. These results may provide practical implications for policy makers of port authorities which has conducted environmental projects.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.63-67
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• 2017

With the rise of China, the power and hegemony is moving to China in East Asia. The foreign policy of the China government is directly or indirectly affecting Korea, neighboring countries and the world. China is advocating a new international policy, a new security system, silk road policy and a new paradigm. China is a newly emerging powerful nation in Asia, and it is clear that China has the economic power to reestablish the Asian order and take over the hegemony. In addition, we want to run the world supremacy with the United States in political, economic, military and diplomatic sectors. In order to overcome the crisis of the Korean peninsula, which is being triggered by North Korea's nuclear and missile development, we are in the position to do our best to cooperate with Korea, the United States and Japan and further improve relations with China. In this study, I analyzed the policy of Southeast Asia and China macroscopically.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.121-146
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to study on China's emergence and its influence on international society against the U.S. hegemony. Recently, China's influence has proliferated in Central Asia as well as East Asia at a rapid rate. China, through its soft balancing strategy, increased its influence in Central Asia in response to the U.S. power and behavior. This study analyzes the relationship among China and Central Asia with the view of soft balancing theory. In order to determine whether China's strategy on Central Asia is soft balancing, this paper presents three indicators: 1) Second-tier major power is willing to take a strategy that increase diplomatic cost of hegemony or counter the hegemony influence through using regional and global multilateral cooperation. 2) Second-tier major power is willing to not only increase its influence by strengthening regional economic cooperation, but also check the extension of the hegemony economic influence into its boundary. 3) Second-tier major power intends to prevent expanding hegemony military influence into the region through limited military cooperation and increasing military spending, and denying territory. This paper analyze China's multi-polar strategy, economic and energy cooperation with Central Asia countries, and the military and security cooperation with multilateral organizations such as SCO.