• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.25-47
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• 2011

The paper will investigate the chances of progress in the peace process in Middle East. Robert Hazo's 1993 article mainly argued the Palestinians and Syrian problems. He saw that these two problems are one of the key issue that current Middle East problem which involves Israel. The key tenants of his argument will be dissected to assess whether this view holds true in the light of developments in the Middle East in the intervening years. The Arab-Israeli struggle remains one of the most intractable in history. In 1993 Robert Hazo concluded that 'the conflict is a terminal struggle'. This paper investigates his analysis in light of progress or lack of in the intervening period and against the contemporary strategic environment. It uses information presented in academic, government, newspaper and world wide web articles to conclude that Hazo's assessment remains valid. While the various talks since 1993 combined with the potential benefits the United States, Israel and Syria could gain from a settlement proffer hope, the issue of 'right of return, borders and Jerusalem are unlikely to be bridged in the near future.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.89-96
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• 2021

In recent years, the fear of terrorism due to 'Lone Wolf' terrorism is spreading in the United States and Europe. The lone wolf terrorism, which carries out terrorism independently, without an organization behind it, threatens social security around the world. In Korea, those who have explosive national/social dissatisfaction due to damage caused by national policies, and delusional mental disorders can be classified as potential 'Lone Wolf' terrorists. In 'Lone Wolf' terrorism, unlike organized terrorism, it is difficult to identify signs of terrorism in advance, and it is not easy to identify terrorist tools and targets. Therefore, in order to minimize the damage caused by 'Lone Wolf' terrorism, it is necessary to architect an independent monitoring and tracking system for the police's quick response. In this paper, we propose to architect response system that can collect information from organizations that can identify the signs of potential 'Lone Wolf' terrorism, monitor the continuity of abnormal behavior, and determine the types of 'Lone Wolf' terrorism that can happen as continuous abnormal behaviors.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.163-191
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• 2017

This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.137-162
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• 2018

This paper covers the issues including geopolitical effects of sea power on sea space in East Asia and its nature in a perspective of the past and the present. This paper analyzes the significance of Sea Power which is emphasized in Mahan's Theory of Insular Dominance and grasps the geopolitical nature of Sea Power. Along with this awareness, it deals with the problem of designated strategic phenomenon that is spreading to the Pacific Ocean with the concept of the Island Chain in China in the 21st century. Around the turn of 20th century, Japan materialized the policy of Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere which was planned to expand power sphere in sea space in the East Asia based on sea power and China took shape of the concept of Island Chain in the 21st century, which has divided sea space in East Asia. Under the circumstance that China's policy of island chain faced the resistance from countries in the East Asia as well as the USA, the question about whether Korea's policy of depending on sea power is valuable even in the 21st century has been raised.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.165-172
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• 2023

Nation-state social engineering attacks are steadily being carried out as they are highly effective attacks, primarily to gain an advantage over secret information, diplomatic negotiations or future policy changes. As The Ukraine-Russia war prolongs, the activities of global hacking organizations are steadily increasing, and large-scale cyberattack attempts against major infrastructure or global companies continue, so a countermeasure strategy is needed. To this end, we determined that the social engineering attack cycle excluding physical contact among various social engineering models is the most suitable model, and analyzed the preferred social engineering attack method by comparing it with geopolitical tactics through case analysis. AS a result China favors phishing attacks, which prefer quantity over quality, such as man-made tactics, Russia prefers covert and complex spear phishing reminiscent of espionage warfare, and North Korea uses geopolitical tactics such as spear phishing and watering holes for attacks on the US and South Korea Most of the other countries aimed to secure funds with ransomware. Accordingly, a Clean Pass policy for China, periodic compulsory education in Russia, and international sanctions against North Korea were presented as countermeasure strategies.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.141-185
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• 2021

The growing U.S.-China rivalry has placed the countries of Southeast Asia in exceedingly precarious positions. The Republic of Korea (ROK) likewise has been tasked with the challenge of "navigating the waters" between deepening geopolitical divides. It is in this context that the "New Southern Policy" (hereafter NSP) has become a key word in Korea's foreign policy circles. Through NSP, ROK aims to diversify its economic and security interests by strengthening ties with its southern partners, focusing on three key areas (termed as the "3 Ps"): People, Prosperity, and Peace. At the same time, the NSP seeks cooperation with other key diplomatic agendas such as the U.S.'s "Free and Open Indo-Pacific," rendering it crucial for the overall stability of the region. Considering such strategic significance, deeper analysis of the policy is more timely than ever. A brief assessment of the policy's outcome so far, however, reveals that relatively, the "Peace" pillar has been insufficient in achieving satisfactory outcomes. Here, this paper asks the question of: 1) How can the "Peace" pillar of South Korea's New Southern Policy be strengthened? Based on an analysis on the causes of the "Peace" pillar's weakness, this paper identifies counter-piracy cooperation as a solution. This paper then proceeds to answer the next question of: 2) How can ROK and ASEAN cooperate on counter-piracy, and how can these efforts be integrated into ROK's NSP? To answer the above question, this paper conducts in-depth case studies on ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy and identifies specific mechanisms of cooperation. In Chapter I, the paper begins with an overview of the NSP's strategic significance and an evaluation of its "Peace" pillar. Chapter II conducts a literature review on the causes of, and prescriptions for, the weakness of the "Peace" pillar. The paper then justifies why counter-piracy may be a solution. Chapter III examines ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy. By analyzing the general framework and each region's cases, the paper displays the strengths and weaknesses of each region's piracy responses. Based on this analysis, Chapter IV suggests ways to incorporate counter-piracy cooperation into the "Peace" pillar of the NSP. This research bears significance in that it identifies a specific area of cooperation (counter-piracy) to strengthen the "Peace" pillar of ROK's NSP. Such identification is based on a comprehensive study into the two parties' past and current experience in counter-piracy, making it contextual in nature. Furthermore, the study suggests practical mechanisms of cooperation, and considers ways of incorporation into the existing framework of NSP. This approach differs from existing literature that failed to generate case-specific, policy-oriented solutions. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated piracy issues and deepened geopolitical divides. Turbulent seas such as these call for careful navigation. When it comes to promoting "peace," the key lies in combating the pirates that sail those very waters.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.421-440
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• 2010

This paper examines middle powers' ODA policy in the post cold war era and discusses its implication for Korean aid strategy. Middle powers' ODA has been more successful than that of super powers in promoting donors' positive images and in stimulating recipient countries' development. Middle powers tend to pursue multilateral solutions to international problems often by taking a mediator role, and their ODA policies set them apart from the great players in international politics. Middle powers' ODA is primarily aimed at reducing poverty and protecting human rights in least developed countries where humanitarian aid needs the most rather than promoting donors' interests. Also, middle powers have provided bilateral untied aid in the sectors of food aid and emergency relief and steadily devoted about 0.7% of their gross national income to ODA. Meanwhile, Korea as an emerging middle power and a new donor has been implementing its own aid strategy under the name of the Korean development model since the post cold war period. The Korean ODA was not successful in building donors' positive images by simply following the short term strategies of US and Japan. Yet, its ODA policy has been quite effective in sustaining local development by creating specific niches in which the country can specialize in. In specific, Korea has focused on developing the sectors of information and communication technology and industry energy in recipients' countries by maximizing its comparative advantage.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.121-146
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to study on China's emergence and its influence on international society against the U.S. hegemony. Recently, China's influence has proliferated in Central Asia as well as East Asia at a rapid rate. China, through its soft balancing strategy, increased its influence in Central Asia in response to the U.S. power and behavior. This study analyzes the relationship among China and Central Asia with the view of soft balancing theory. In order to determine whether China's strategy on Central Asia is soft balancing, this paper presents three indicators: 1) Second-tier major power is willing to take a strategy that increase diplomatic cost of hegemony or counter the hegemony influence through using regional and global multilateral cooperation. 2) Second-tier major power is willing to not only increase its influence by strengthening regional economic cooperation, but also check the extension of the hegemony economic influence into its boundary. 3) Second-tier major power intends to prevent expanding hegemony military influence into the region through limited military cooperation and increasing military spending, and denying territory. This paper analyze China's multi-polar strategy, economic and energy cooperation with Central Asia countries, and the military and security cooperation with multilateral organizations such as SCO.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.338-344
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• 2021

Elements that threaten domestic security, such as diplomatic changes in the four major powers surrounding the Korean Peninsula and restrictions on supply and demand of parts due to COVID-19, are constantly increasing. The importance of localizing weapon systems has grown to respond proactively to the threat. As localization is not conducted evenly by the field, it is necessary to change the criteria for selecting localization targets. Establishing standards for selecting targets is difficult due to a lack of research to identify targets. This paper emphasized that the smooth supply of parts from overseas should be examined to identify targets for localization. If suppliers are not distributed evenly in the market, there is a risk of potential supply problems. CRk and HHI, representing the market structure, were proposed as indicators for evaluating the degree of smoothness quantitatively. Among them, CRk is used in Korea to check the market concentration, but there is a limit in the subjectivity of the evaluator, so it cannot be applied without a separate study on the market structure. Therefore, HHI should be applied.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.161-168
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• 2023

Recently, China-Taiwan relations are facing a crisis, and at the same time, the U.S.-China relationship and the structure of Northeast Asia are greatly shaken, so we should pay attention to changes in cross-strait relations. This study aims to predict how cross-strait relations will change after the party convention by analyzing Xi Jinping's Taiwan policy, focusing on the "Political Report" of the 20th party convention and the content analysis of leadership personnel. The results of the study are as follows. First, as the amendment to the party constitution announced after the closing of the party convention stipulates the possibility of armed invasion, Xi Jinping will implement a tough Taiwan policy emphasizing unification. Second, strategic competition with the United States will continue to intensify in the future when analyzing the contents of Chapters 2, 11, 13, and 14 of the "Political Reporting" and the personnel management of diplomatic and security leadership. As a result, cross-strait relations are expected to show instability for a considerable period of time. Third, at a time when Taiwan rejects the unification plan of "one country, two systems" and the tendency to de-Chineseize is strengthening, there is a possibility that legislation or specific enforcement ordinances will be enacted to strengthen the existing "Anti-Secession Law." Fourth, it is expected that strong and warm two-sided strategies will be used together, such as taking a strong response to external forces interfering with the Taiwan issue and Taiwan independence forces, and using incentives for the Kuomintang(KMT) and Taiwanese who are friendly to unification.