• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• 제100권
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• 제42권4호
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• pp.76-88
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to derive landscape characteristic elements of agricultural and fishery heritage and to classify landscape characteristic elements of Cheongsando designated as Korean agricultural and fishery heritage No.1 as well as a Globally Important Agricultural Heritage System (GIAHS). Additionally, this study was conducted to suggest priority for conservation and management of Cheongsando by grasping differences between factors which visitors deem as important and satisfying. To implement this study, the literature review was written, an on-site survey to derive landscape characteristic elements of Cheongsando and a survey on importance and satisfaction of landscape characteristic elements of Cheongsando were conducted, and reliability analysis, descriptive statistical analysis and IPA analysis were performed using SPSS 20.0. The results are as follows: The analysis showed the factors requiring persistent efforts in the first quadrant are the rape flower garden, the sea, green barley field, flat stone paddy field, breakwater and lighthouse, abalone farms, stone houses, thatched houses, a coastal road, the slow road, Stonewall Walkway of Seongseo Village, and residents' agricultural behaviors. The analysis showed the factors needing intensive management strategies in the second quadrant are the surrounding mountain area, dock, Docheong Harbor, vessels, fish market, Doksari stone wall, garish-roofed farm villages, excursion school to a slow island, pension and cafe, bus stop, shade trees, Raw Fish Street, the beach and the filming site. Analysis indicated that the factors needing management control in the third quadrant are the pine grove, the beach, tidal mudflat, the garlic fields, vinyl greenhouses, grain drying yard, sea mustard drying yard, heritage center, Choboon, Dangri exorcism, the market place, residents' fishery behaviors, residents' industrial behaviors, residents' ordinary behaviors, visitors' behaviors that visiting the dock, visitors' behaviors that walking the slow road, visitors' behaviors that eating and shopping for specialties, visitors' behaviors that experiencing agriculture and fishery. Excessive effort factors in the fourth quadrant were not derived.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• 제37권3호
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• pp.91-104
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• 2009

This paper attempts to look at the identity of the traditional famous sceneries of Jeju Island by investigating the relationship between 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung(瀛州十二景)', which are the representative beautiful scenes of Jeju Island, and two paintings 'T'amna-Sipkyungtdo(耽羅十景圖)' and 'T'amna-Sullyokto(耽羅巡歷圖)' by a grasp of the contents and meanings of these two paintings. The following are the results of the study. In the 'T'amna-Sipkyung', which is the origin of today's 12 beautiful sceneries of Jeju Island, Baekrokdam and Youngsil are both symbolic places and the backdrops against which Jeju's myths were formed. Jocheonjin, Seogwijin and Myoungwoljin, located near the seashores, are strategic footholds in protecting the territory of the island and connotatively contain its culture and history. Seongsan Ilchulbong, Sanbangsan, Chwibyeongdam and Cheonjeyeon Pokpo are not only the quintessentially beautiful scenes of Jeju but also belong to 'YeoungJu-Sipikyung'. And 'T'amna-Sullyokto', which describes the Jeju horses and tangerines that were presented to the king as tribute, offers scenic elements with a strong political tone and is related to the five scene of 'T'amna-Sullyokto', showing that 'defense' and 'tribute' are motives in choosing the sceneries of people's daily lives here. Jeju's daily scenes in particular have been continuously transmitted: 'Idyllic lives with the background of a tangerine orchard' are shown in 'Kowon Panggo' and 'Kyullim P'ungak', and Jeju horses grazing on pastures or being ridden in hunting trips are presented in 'Sanjang Kuma' and 'Kyorae Taeryop'. Besides Baekrokdam and Youngsil, which do not belong to Sunyeok(巡歷) corridor of minister Lee Hyoungsang, 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung', directly related to 'T'amna-Sipkyung', has six beautiful sceneries: Seongsan of Seongsan Ilchulbong, Baekrokdam of Baekrokmanseol, Younggok of Youngsilgiam, Sanbang of Sanbanggulsa Chwibyeongdam of Yongyeonyabeom and Seogwiso of Seojinnoseong. The image of 'Gosumokma', the tenth landscape of 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung', was expressed as it is, through 'Udojeomma' and 'Sanjangguma'. The ten beautiful sceneries of 'T'amna-Sipkyung' were also especially described in 'T'amna-Sullyokto', besides Baekrokdam and Youngsil, which do not belong to Sunyeok corridor. As the places and landscapes emphasized on 'T'amna-Sipkyungto' and 'T'amna-Sullyokto' in common have been transmitted by the politicians and ancestors of Jeju Island, they have become established as today's 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung', passing through correction processes. When considering this process of development, 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung' are worthy of heritage and traditional landscapes accomplished in a long difficult period based on investigation into beautiful Jeju Island and the love of the island people for their home.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• 제54호
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• pp.179-210
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• 2017

By redefining the concept of history, my colleagues and I have reformed our department in terms of curriculum and faculty members. This paper is a report of some of the conclusions that we have obtained from this procedure. Despite a long relationship, two disciplines do not seem to match or complement each other in the Korean education system. We believe that this is due to the fact that the Department of Korean History has focused on "national history (NH)." By conferring a privilege on NH, persons, families, societies, regions, and others were removed from NH. To make matters worse, a biased view that history is just an interpretation has prevailed, and the empiricism of history was weakened, which brought about an indifference in keeping records and archives. In East Asia, "history" means both modern history and archives. The concern about the authenticity of records did not come from H. Jenkinson or L. Duranti, and not even from the electronic environment or the Public Records Act of 1998. Key concepts such as records, documents-archives, manuscripts, authenticity, compilation-appraisal, arrangement, and description are different from their signifiant but are same or similar to their $signifi{\acute{e}}$. In case of "provenance" and "original order," they are used in education and practice in the traditional archives. History includes the recording, archiving, and the story or historiography of an event. In this context, the Department of Korean History should contain a more archives-oriented curriculum and select an archival-trained faculty. On the other hand, the department has accumulated long-term experience with appraisal and description of records; thus, archival science should absorb the criticism of the material. History will be shaken without the help of archives, while archives will lose their root without history. We are at the point in which we need to be reminded why we want to be a historian or an archivist, and for this, the more colleagues, the better.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• 제68호
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• pp.173-208
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• 2017

This study sorted out the political methods of the typical shell-and-bone inscriptions during early Western Zhou, the shapes and arrangements of Chan, Chak, and Jak, and the characteristics and description methods of shell-and-bone characters and also investigated the formation backgrounds and changing patterns of shell-and-bone inscriptions with a focus on the transmitted literature and actual shell-and-bone inscriptions. First, the transmitted literature contained records saying that Gogongdanbu told fortunes by burning tortoise shells during Proto-Zhou, but no Bokgap from those days had been excavated yet. The content of the divination focused on the periods of Kings Wen, Wu, and Cheng of Zhou, and the shell-and-bone characters of Juwon contained much content about Jugong those days. Second, there were some differences in the processing methods between Bokgap and Bokgol, but their origin could basically be found in the Joyeongjang form during middle Shang. In addition, it was found that they directly accepted the Bukchon type of Seomseo during late Shang and the divination method of the Proto-Zhou culture. Third, all of Bokgaps had a set of square Chan and rectangular Chak installed on the back, whereas all of Bokgols had a set of circular Chan and vertically thin Chak and were in the shape of a cat's eye. In terms of the Chan, Chak, and Jak arrangement, the Bokgaps were similar to those of Yinxu during late Shang, whereas the Bokgols had the characteristics of the Joyeongjang type during middle Shang. Finally, there were differences in the description methods of shell-and-bone characters according to the arrangement methods of shell-and-bone inscriptions. Some rules were found according to each of the parts. Bokgaps were placed horizontally so that Gapsu would face sideways. The middle sections of Bokgols were mostly placed horizontally with the Byeongbu and Seonbu facing downwards at Golgu to write downwards from right to left. This method was estimated to have something to do with "Sigo" in the divination process in The Rites of Zhou. It was inferred that the perceptions of divination changed in the process of arranging the rites and music institutions during early Western Zhou.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• 제53호
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• pp.5-45
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• 2020

This study aims to deeply analyze the subjective attitude of jazz performance audiences in Korea using Q methodology. In order to establish a population for the research, we decided 'People's mind about jazz performances' as the main topic and finally selected a Q model consist of 38 statements after having a depth interview with corresponding experts. Additionally, from January to February 2019, we implemented a Q-sorting and individual interview to total of 27 people including people majored in music, jazz club members and other citizens. The result were the following. First of all, a musical-interest oriented type. People of this type understood watching jazz performance as a daily leisure activity and went to watch a show more than once a month on overage. Those people obtained information of performances and actors before attending a show using social network such as SNS and jazz clubs. They also had a big desire to have an emotional interaction with jazz musicians while having a fan signing event or performance. Secondly, a general-interest oriented type. This type of people had a tendency of considering watching a jazz performance as a especial experience and not a daily life event. Attending a jazz performance was a novel experience which could be done with their close friends in a special day. Thirdly, people with self-value oriented type. This people were majored in jazz and classic in their universities. As they had a concrete perspective, professional knowledge and experiences, they were more sensitive on the general quality of the performances such as show's sound, light, video, sound system of the theater, player's ability, level of facilities, accessibility, etc. rather than the reputation of an artist. This research did not only revealed jazz audience's subjective tendency using Q methodology but also demonstrated the types of jazz audiences and their characteristics. Therefore, this could be a meaningful study for suggesting a significant implication for the marketing mix of performance planning on each jazz audience type.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• 제17권
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• pp.145-178
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• 2001

Bourdieu is one of the few social science researchers who were interested in photography. Bourdieu's work on photography appears principally in two books: Un art moyen: Essai sur les usagrs sociaux de la photographie(1965) and La distinction(1979). In these books, Bourdieu analyzes the role of photography in the family life of peasants and small town and urban dwellers. He shows how different classes and groups express their esthetic worldview in response to different photographs and photographic styles. What Bourdieu analyzed is not just photography but ways of photographing and ways of looking at pictures. Through these analyses, Bourdieu explores the social definition of photography. Bourdieu's ideas on photographic practice in social life are as follows. First, the photography, especially family photography generally practiced, has the integrative function. It recreates the group by ritualizing and solemnizing the important moments of social life in which the group reaffirms its unity. Second, the photography as esthetic practice in search of legitimacy as a fine art becomes a means by which different classes are pitted against each other. Each of classes gives its own meaning to photographic practice. Despite its originality and persuasive power, Bourdieu's work on photography has its own limits. The data used by Bourdieu are 35 years old and relevant to European social life. Things has changed since. First, the technological improvement and innovation in photography was considerable. Cheap and good photographic materials, easy to operate, made photographic practice everybody's everyday activity. New media like camcorder and digital camera made photography one of the industrial discards like jukebox. It means that photography does not function as important means of distinction between classes any longer. The integrative function of the photography becomes more ambiguous too. Second, the esthetic status of the photography has changed. The family photography was already integraed into fine art. Photography is not a middle-brow art any more. Bourdieu's work on photography shows how photography was used by different social classes in European social life of the 1960's. His work is historically and geographically limited. Moreover, his work was ordered by the french affiliate of Eastman Kodak Company. And all along the analysis, Bourdieu didn't hide his intention of distinguishing his sociological method from the other methods, especially psychological one. These mean that Bourdieu's work was done in a specific context, for specific purposes. In this respect, Bourdieu's work on photography, like every sociological work, can not claim to be universal.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• 제32권1호
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• pp.10-21
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• 2014

This study focuses on the landscape of Daegodae(大孤臺), a prominent rock placed at the side of Namgae Stream in Hamyang, and the person who enjoy the landscape. Through the analysis of the letters such as names carved on the rocks based on ancient poetry and stone walls, the study examines the characteristics of the landscape and the space of Daegodae and the phase of hegemony to enjoy the landscape and space. The result of this study is as follow.2) There are 5 Seowon(書院: lecture halls) nearby Daegodae identified in the ancient map has 5 auditoriums nearby, and three-dimensional volume and eccentricity of the Daegodae is impressive. Daegodae, named by Noh Jin(1518~1578) in 16th century, was used in a variety of ways, including viewing, game, recreation, and meeting, by the staff of the lecture halls including Namgae Seowon(南溪書院), as a result of analyzing the ancient document Go-dae-il-Loc(孤臺日錄) written by Jung Kyung-Woon(鄭慶雲: 1556~?). The structure of Daegodae is that there is Chunggeunchung(淸近亭) on the rock face of the top and Sanangjae(山仰齋) to the west around the memorial stone for Yang Hee(梁喜: 1515~1581). The upper part of the foundation of Daegodae with 11m high and $10m^2$ wide to the east and west was widely used for lecturing and poetry reading. To the north and west of the foundation were the writing of Kim Jeong-Hee(金正喜: 1786~1856) with the words 'Seoksong Chusa(石松 秋史)' carved on the rock and the remains of a dead tree that is presumed to have been called as 'Seoksong'. They are the landscapes that further enhance the history and authenticity of this place. The two kinds of letters carved on the rock 'Daegodae Gaeeunseo(大高臺 介隱書)' and 'Mukheon JungGeunSang(鄭近相: 1893~1934)' were recorded each by Jung Jae-Gi(1811~1879) and his grandson Jung Geun-Sang, which are, as the outcome of exclusive space possession and space hegemony, the signatures indicating that they were the persons who enjoyed this place during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era. In other words, Daegodae had some implied meaning of preoccupancy of the place as Gujolyangseonsengjangguso since the middle of Joseon, and the place was passed down as a buddhism lecturing and memorial venue called "Dungbukganghoiso Cheonryungjaeseonhyunjangguso" after going through the space hegemony of Jung Jae-Gi and Jung Geun-Sang during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era each, Nevertheless, a number of letters carved on the rock identified also imply that 'Hadong Jung(河東鄭氏)' and 'Pungcheon Noh(豊川盧氏)' were those who enjoyed the landscape of Daegodae and the center of the space hegemony. The "letters carved on the rock of Daegudae" is another case of cultural landscape and traditional gardening space that serves as the representation of the will of enjoying the landscape in this place and the history of space hegemony.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.61-73
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• 1996

This study conducted to determine the attitude on environment pollution by Pohang city citizens. 1,059 Pohang city citizens in the age group 20 and over were chosen and surveyed by officials's interview at Up, Myun and Dong during the period 6 September to 20 September 1995. The issue problems to be solved in Pohang city were traffic control 47.3%, environment pollution 22.7%, cultural institutions 11.6%, water service 9.9%, education system 5.1% and community security 2.1%. The 55.1% of subjects responded that responsibility for environment pollution is every citizens duty. The trash from houses were 'garbage'(48.1%), 'waste of life'(21.8%), 'reuse trash'(15.6%) and 'one use thing'(14.5%) in order. The 66.9% of subjects responded that the trash's standard envelopes can be easily tear and its texture is not good. The respondents sometimes or often had experienced foreign bodies, sediment in the water service supply. The 45.9% of the respondents use natural water as drinking water, and the water service supply(26.7%), underground water(17.0%) and buying water(9.3%) were followed. Pertaining to the air pollution(by percent) was pollution of the steel industry complex 78.0%, combustive gas 16.6% and construction dust 1.7%. The respondents at southern district complained of respiratory tract by air pollution and the respondents at northern district complained of the visual disturbance and the offensive odor(P<0.05). Water pollution problem is factory's wastewater 56.2%, home wastewater 36.4% and livestock's wastewater 5.6% in order. The respondents at southern district complained of the noise pollution by airplanes and factories at the afternoon and the respondents at northern district complained of the noise pollution by vehicles(P<0.05).

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• 제14권5호
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• pp.566-576
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• 1998

Food habits and Korean food utilization patterns were surveyed from 188 Koreans residing in New Zealand and Malaysia by using a questionnaire. Forty seven percent of the respondents answered that Korean food should be succeeded as its traditional form. Most subjects had strong pride for Korean traditional food. Kimchi was the most frequently consumed side dish followed by Chigaes (stew), broiled meat, Tubu (bean curd), broiled fish, Tangs (soup), and Noodles. While Kimchies were prepared by the respondents themselves, Doenjang and Kochujang were sent from the relatives in Korea or purchased from the market. The changes in food consumption pattern after emigration depended on the availability of food items in residing country. Korean style meal (cooked rice and side dishes) was eaten by 51% respondents for breakfast and by 78.2% for supper. Ramyon was the most frequently consumed instant food. Eating out frequency was much higher in the residents in Malaysia than the ones in New Zealand. This study showed that Koreans residing in foreign countries have the consciousness trying to succeed Korean traditional food culture, and their food consumption pattern partly depends on food availability and socio-cultural properties of the residing country.