• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.1
• /
• pp.281-304
• /
• 2022

Heungdeokjeon was the first pavilion built on the site of Sueocheong during the expansion of Gyeongungung. In this study, we tried to clarify the specific construction process of Heungdeokjeon, which was used for various purposes such as the copy location for Portraits of ancestors, temporary enshrinement site, and the funeral building for the rest of the body, which is Binjeon. In addition, we tried to confirm the historical value based on the characteristics derived by the history of the building and the rituals performed. Heungdeokjeon began to be built in the second half of 1899, and is estimated to have been completed between mid-February and mid-March 1900. It was a ritual facility equipped with waiting rooms for the emperor and royal ladies as an annex. The relocation work was planned in April 1901 and began in earnest after June, and it was closely linked to the construction of attached buildings of Seonwonjeon. In addition, comparing the records on the construction and relocation cost of Heungdeokjeon with those related to the reconstruction of Seonwonjeon, it was confirmed that annex buildings of Heungdeokjeon were relocated and used as annex buildings of Seonwonjeon. The characteristics identified in the process of Heungdeokjeon used as a place to copy portraits are as follows. First, it was used as a place to copy portraits twice in a short period of time. Second, it was the place where the first unprecedented works were carried out in relation to the copying of portraits. Third, the pavilion, which was specially built for imperial rituals, was used as a place to copy portraits. Since then, it has been used as a funeral building for the rest of the body, and features different from those of the previous period are identified. It was the building dedicated to rituals for use as Binjeon, and was also a multipurpose building for copying portraits. In other words, Heungdeokjeon, along with Gyeongbokgung Taewonjeon, is the building that shows the changes in the operation of Binjeon in the late Joseon Dynasty. Characteristics are also confirmed in portrait-related rituals performed at Heungdeokjeon. The first is that Jakheonlye was practiced frequently in a short period of time. The second is that the ancestral rites of Sokjeolje and Bunhyang in Sakmangil, which are mainly held in the provincial Jinjeon, were identified. This is a very rare case in Jinjeon of the palace. The last is that Jeonbae, jeonal, and Bongsim were implemented mutiple times. In conclusion, Heungdeokjeon can be said to be a very symbolic building that shows the intention of Gojong, who valued imperial rituals, and the characteristics of the reconstruction process of Gyeongungung.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.56 no.2
• /
• pp.264-279
• /
• 2023

The 50th anniversary of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention was in 2022. In order to reflect on the present and future of the meaning of World Heritage, this paper examines the development and changes of the UNESCO World Heritage system. After promulgating the convention in 1972, the UNESCO World Heritage system prioritized the protection of heritage sites in the world that were at risk due to armed conflicts and natural disasters to bequeath heritage to the next generation. In addition, the UNESCO World Heritage's emphasis on Outstanding Universal Value represents the particular culture of human beings formed during a certain period of time, and acts as a significant source of soft power in public diplomacy. The UNESCO World Heritage might be perceived as a shared heritage that has not only become a channel to understand various national values, but also an effective medium to convey one of UNESCO's main principles, that is, peacebuilding. However, the UNESCO World Heritage is now at the center of conflicts of heritage interpretation between many stakeholders related to invisible wars, such as cultural wars, memory wars, and history wars as the social, political, and cultural contexts concerning World Heritage have dramatically shifted with the passing of time. Paying attention to such changing contexts, this paper seeks to understand the main developments in UNESCO World Heritage's discourse concerning changes to the World Heritage Operation Guidelines and heritage experts' meetings by dividing its 50-year history into five phases. Next, this paper analyzes the main shifts in keywords related to UNESCO World Heritage through UNESDOC, which is a platform on which all UNESCO publications are available. Finally, this paper discusses three main changes of UNESCO World Heritage: 1) changes in focus in World Heritage inscriptions, 2) changes in perception of World Heritage protection, and 3) changes of view on the role of the stakeholders in World Heritage. It suggests new emerging issues regarding heritage interpretation and ethics, climate change, and human rights.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.4
• /
• pp.6-22
• /
• 2022

In this paper classifies the types of 228 anchor stones discharged from the west and south coasts, assumes a combined method by type, routes through discharge locations, and It attempted to estimate the burial site. Prior to classification of types, the weight, thickness, width, and length of the anchor stone were measured, and the largest Young in the tomb The scent weight was classified into I~V groups, and the shape of the anchor stone was classified into 1-6 types. All of these weight and shape correlations It was classified into 17 types. The combined method by type is 180kg or less depending on the morphological characteristics of the reference value of the extracted anchor stone, and the type An anchor of type 1 or 2 is used in combination with an anchor, and a anchor of type 3 or 6 weighs more than 180kg and is combined with an anchor The dragon was assumed to be an anchor. Along with this, the route and burial site are identified through past records and testimony of local residents It was checked against the data. The route was largely consistent with past records, but the new route was apparent in waters near the island or inland It was also drawn. In the case of burial sites, small and large in Taean Mado Sea and Jindo Byeokpajin Sea, where anchor stones are concentrated, Considering the pattern of the type anchor stones being discharged, it was consistent with the testimony that ships of various sizes were mysterious in the two seas. Based on this type classification, a study on the spatiality of the anchors was conducted. First, a comparison and analysis was done on whether actual real data, such as anchor stones, old ships, and relics, were identified on the Joun-ro route and international trade routes as recorded in the past literature. Where there was no record, the route was estimated based on real data. To this end, routes estimated based on the testimony of local residents and modern ship workers were analyzed as to whether ships traveled there in the past and whether they could actually sail. Next, the location of each seedling was estimated by ship size according to the weight of the anchor stone. In the case of the Taean Mado Sea and Jindo Byeokpajin Sea, both small and large anchor stones were discharged from the coastline and were far away.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.4
• /
• pp.56-70
• /
• 2022

Tombs No. 39 and No. 63 in Gyo-dong, Changnyeong, are unique in the Changnyeong area in that they do not have additional burials because they are hoenggu-style tombs with an entrance on the north side. This study tried to understand the nature and meaning of the two separate stone walls at the entrance of the tomb along with the burial process of the tomb. These two stone walls mark small tombs built independently within a large tomb, with stone wall No. 39 stone wall No. 3 (No.39-3) and No. 63 stone wall No. 3 (No. 63-3). Both units are located in the middle of the northern wall of the burial body part and share one wall with the burial body part wall stone. All animal fluids inside the stone wall were identified. In particular, it was estimated that at least three dogs were buried as a result of identification of animal fluids No. 63-3. Above all, these animals have their heads facing outward with their backs to the main occupants, and do not overlap in a limited space and are placed side by side. Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 were created in the process of building the burial body, and although they are independent relics, they form a subordinate relationship in that they were built along the main burial within one tomb. In addition, it is coercive in that it is placed in an orderly manner according to a certain direction in a state that has not been dismantled after killing an animal. Therefore, It is understood to be the SHUNJANG of dogs. Studies on animal fluids excavated from tombs in the Three Kingdoms period are interpreted as animal stewardship, sacrificial collection, and animal sacrifice depending on their location, and this is known as a series of animal sacrifice rites, namely, animal stewardship and sacrifice. This recognition is based on material objectification of animals, such as food or sacrifices. However, Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 are different in that they recognize animals as spiritual beings in the process of funeral rites and are closely related to the ideology that there is life after death. In addition, analysis of the location and directionality of the remains is also required from multiple angles. These two SHUNJANG correspond to the entrance to the tomb, and the location is the most open space at the entrance. The appearance of a dog looking outward, etc., can also be interpreted as the meaning of protecting the tombs and byeoksa. This appearance can be compared with the dog depicted in a mural in a Goguryeo tomb that reflects the ancient world's thought and stone figures excavated from the tomb of King Muryeong of Baekje, and it is also consistent with the meaning of the JINMYOSU protecting the ancient tombs. This suggests that a multifaceted study on animal fluid burial remains is needed in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.4
• /
• pp.118-135
• /
• 2022

The primary purpose of this study is to estimate the structure of Byeongpungsadaseok (屛風莎臺石) and Nanganseok (欄干石) in Geonwonneung (建元陵) and Heonneung (獻陵), which were built in the early of 15th century, based on the Annals of King Sejong. In addition, the ultimate purpose of this study is to reveal structural changes and their significance by comparing the differences with the contents of the dismantlement survey. Geonwonneung, Jereung(齊陵), and Heonneung were repaired at the same time in 1442, and the structural changes were the similar. The purpose of the repair in 1442 was to prevent water from flowing into the underground palace with smooth drainage. As a result of estimating the structure of Geonwonneung and Heonneung according to the records of the Annals of King Sejong, it was created in a very similar form to the Hyeonneung and Jeongneung of Goryeo. And it was clearly recognized that the Royal Tomb of Goryeo was followed. However, as the structure was improved in 1442, the unique characteristics of the Royal Tomb of the Joseon Dynasty were formed. First is the appearance of the Bokbuhyeong lime (覆釜形石灰, which is a convex roof on the Byeongpungsadaseok that serves to prevent rainwater from penetrating into the burial mound. It also plays a role in connecting and fixing the Manseok (滿石) and the Inseok (引石), which are the upper structures of the Sadaseok (莎臺石). Second, the Bakseok (薄石) between the nanganseok and the sadaseok has been transformed into the Sangseok (裳石) with a slope. This plays a role in protecting the inner stone chamber by expanding the length of the bakseok, which forms an overall slope, like the eaves of the roof. After both of these features were first attempted in 1442, they were applied to all Royal Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty and became unique features of these Royal Tombs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.4
• /
• pp.138-164
• /
• 2022

The Neolithic shell midden in Daejuk-ri, Seosan, is distributed on the gentle slope of a low hill close to the west coast. The bedrock of the area consists mainly of schist with various mafic minerals, but shows a partial gneiss pattern. The site consists of loamy topsoil and clay loam subsoil, and the degree of siallization is relatively low. Although the pottery excavated from the shell midden shares mostly similar features, a variety of shapes and patterns coexist. The surface colors, thickness and physical properties are slightly different. The pottery can be subdivided into three types (IA, IB and II) according to the composition of the body clay, the temper and the existence of a black core. Types IA and IB are colorless mineral pottery with a non-black or black core respectively. TypeII is colored mineral pottery with a non-black core. Type I pottery also contains non-plastic colored minerals, but type II contains a large amount of biotite, chlorite, talc, amphibole, diopside and tremolite, which include a large amount of Mg and Fe. The studied pottery contains a small amount of organic matter. Considering the grain size and relatively poor sorting and roundness of the non-plastic particles, the pottery appears to be made by adding coarse non-plastic tempers for special purposes to the untreated weathered soil around the site. The three types of pottery seem to have been incompletely fired in general. While type IB has the lowest degree of oxidation, typeII shows the highest degree of redness and oxidation. It can be interpreted that these differences depend on the firing temperature and the ratio of non-plastic particles. Through a synthesis of the minerals, geochemical data and thermal history, it can be determined that the firing temperature ranged from 600 to 700℃. The pottery types of the Daejuk-ri Shell Midden have slightly different production conditions, mineral compositions, and physical properties, but have undergone similar production processes with basically the same clay materials. The clay is almost identical to the composition of the bedrock and weathered soil distributed in the Daejuk-ri area. Currently, there is an industrial complex in the area, so it is difficult to confirm the soil and geological distribution of the site. However, it is highly probable that the area around the site was self-sufficient for the clay and tempers required for the production of the Neolithic pottery. Therefore, it can be interpreted that the group that left the shell midden in Daejuk-ri lived near the site, visited the site for the purpose of collecting and processing shellfish, and discarded the broken pottery along with shells.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.56 no.2
• /
• pp.80-98
• /
• 2023

In the late Joseon Dynasty, when the bride would ride a palanquin when she went to live with her in-laws, it was a custom to cover the palanquin with tiger skin to ward off misfortunes that may come her way. The higher classes used tiger skin or leopard skin for this purpose, but the common people had to substitute this expensive item with a tiger pattern painted on a blanket. Such blankets were called hotanja, hogu, hoguyok and the like. The term "hotanja" is a pure Korean word. It is not known when the cover for the bridal palanquin was first used, but it was popular from the end of the 19^th century and then gradually disappeared. This is due to the introduction of new Western style weddings that eliminated the need for a bridal palanquin. The tiger print blanket was used not only to cover the bride's palanquin but also to cover a table or floor during the wedding ceremony. This study ran a material analysis on nine pieces of tiger print blankets. All of the blanket artifacts examined in this study had an outer cover and a lining made of fabric that used cotton thread for the warp and wool thread for the weft. Two kinds of wool were found in the weft thread in the outer covers: fat-tailed sheep hair from China and goat hair for carpets from the Hebei province, China. Records show that "blankets with painted tiger patterns" were imported from Russia, and the imported blankets were from Russia and China. The outer cover can be categorized into six types, and the lining into three types depending on the weave and direction of the thread twist. The hem facing can be divided into four types. The lining and outer cover use the full width of the fabric, which was woven in wide widths of 135 cm or wider. The tiger pattern on the blanket was made by stenciling. The stencil design of the body and tail of the tiger were placed on a red blanket to be painted in white, and then the background color of the tiger, which is yellow, would be painted over the white, and then black stripes would be added. The pattern of the tiger varies, which shows that the blankets were made by various craftspeople. The pattern of the tiger print blanket is usually of a tiger lying down, but there were tiger print blankets with a tiger standing up. The pattern of the tiger grew smaller over time, and flower patterns were added in the background. Decorative elements were gradually added to the tiger print blanket patterns, but its function as a palanquin cover became lost. By taking the features of tiger print blankets into consideration, it can be assumed that there are imported pieces among the remaining pieces, and were produced in various places because it was popular at that time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.56 no.1
• /
• pp.22-43
• /
• 2023

This paper deals with the stone standing Avalokitesvara statue in Jeonghyesa Temple that was created by Mangong in 1924. The stone standing Avalokitesvara statue of Jeonghyesa Temple is the earliest extant Buddha statue produced by Mangong, and symbolism was given to Jeonghyesa in the process of its reconstruction. So far, there has been no study that has approached ideas and beliefs through Buddhist studies led by Mangong and specific relics. In order to proceed with this study, Mangong's legal words and anecdotes and newspaper articles during the Japanese colonial era were used to trace the dynamics of Jeonghyesa and Sudeoksa during Mangong's reign, and to investigate the effects obtained from the creation of the large Bodhisattva statue and the meaning of its location. In addition, an interview was attempted with the descendants of master, who were in charge of the sculpture at the time, to confirm the exact construction period and the list of craftsmen. It is judged that the stone standing Bodhisattva statue of Gwanchoksa Temple has been influenced by the double covering and square crown seen in the standing stone statue of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva of Jeonghyesa Temple, the large hands compared to the body, the proportion between the head and the body, and the sense of enormity felt in the body like a stone pillar. Therefore, we looked at how the standing stone Bodhisattva statue of Gwanchoksa Temple, which was produced in the early Goryeo Dynasty, could have influenced the creation of the Bodhisattva statue in the modern period. A multilateral analysis was attempted on how the image of the Gwanchoksa Bodhisattva statue, which was used as a symbol representing Chungcheongnam-do in the Chosun Exposition held in 1929 and the visit to Gwanchoksa Temple, which began with the laying of the railroad during the Japanese colonial period, was used from the viewpoint of the succession and transformation of the style. With this study as an opportunity, it is hoped that the understanding of the prehistoric Mangong representing the modern period and the horizon of Korean Buddhist sculpture research in the modern period will be broadened.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.249-275
• /
• 2019

Gangneung farm song is important for the ritualistic labortheatricals. Especially, in the theatrical process program, the songsof weeding, such as Haksan Odokkteggi and Ssadae, were alsoincluded to represent the agricultural ritualistic prayer for goodharvest. The use of Gangneung farm song is attractive in termsofthe circumstances. There is no chance of success as a plan simplyfor local events. As a comprehensive art, Gangneung farmsongshould simultaneously revitalize locality, representability andglobality. In this context, three directions are suggested dependingon the development progress. The second direction to the thirddirection are mainly oriented toward government-local authoritycentered support, but, in particular, the third direction should aimtobe an open archive in which the public and the contents prosumercan participate. In the production of the traditional content, OSMUmust be endlessly recreated and spread through 'diversity' and'interrelationships'. The contents utilization was discussed based on the transmissiondetails and analysis evidence of Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. Thediversification of the way of performing farm song and the folk songs that can induce interest were proposed. Furthermore, basedon the fact that 12 songs classified into 8 work types, there-creation of the contents that focus on the playful aspect of theperforming arts was also proposed. In addition to suggestingthedesirable discourse of the performance groups, the experienceprogram development, education, public relations andcommunication reinforcement based on the narrating principlesoffarm songs, and the development and execution of farmsongprograms based on the tradition and the event demands wereproposed. While mentioning the necessity of value creation, thevitality of performing arts skills that put emotion, imagination, fun, sympathy, and etc. on the original form and the model of farmsongs should be supplemented to Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. The independent transmission aspect of Gangneung Arirangisalso positive. There are difficulties of reduction of traditionalitydueto the designation, standardized transmission, lack of developmentof voluntary performances, and demonstration-centeredtransmission. Narrowly, we focused on the education andvitalization directions in terms of the capacity building of theconservation council itself. By embodying the essential value of theagricultural literature that farm songs possess, it can bringimpression of all worlds, all lives, communication and sharing, anddraw inspiration from the humanistic view of the world andemotion. The reconstitution of agricultural heritage, theconstruction of a storytelling linked with the concrete objects suchas Beomil National Preceptor, Gulsansa, FlagpoleSupport(Dangganjiju), Seokcheon, Hakbawi rock, and etc., andtheestablishment of fusion type farm song museum were proposed. In terms of culture industry, we requested active support fromtheinstitutions including local governments and various farmsongstorytelling creation projects.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.56 no.3
• /
• pp.76-98
• /
• 2023

The results of analyzing the outfits of male and female characters depicted in the "Hoehonryedocheop" (回婚禮圖帖, Deoksu 6375) held by the National Museum of Korea and estimating its production date of the "Hoehonryedocheop"are as follows. Firstly, an elderly groom is depicted wearing a patterned heukdanryeong (黑團領) with rank badges, a garment commonly donned by government officials in works such as "Jeonanryedo (奠鴈禮圖)" and "Gyobaeryedo (交拜禮圖)". And the old groom in "Heonsuryedo (獻壽禮圖)" "Jeobbindo (接賓圖)" and "Jungroeyeondo (重牢宴圖)" is shown wearing a jarip (purple hat) without a paeyoung (ornamental jewelry strap), accompanied by jade colored robe with a red strap belt. Gireokabeom (雁夫) is observed wearing a jarip (紫笠) adorned with a paeyoung (貝纓) and a patternless heukdanryeong with rank badges. Adult male descendants are depicted wearing dopo (道袍), while guests wear dopo, cheolrik (帖裏), and jikryeong (直領), accompanied by red and blue straps denoting their social status. Jingssi (徵氏), sidong (侍童), and young grandchildren are observed wearing jungchimak(中赤莫). The young servants are wearing jungchimak, and the boys carrying the food have braided their hair and worn sochangu (小氅衣), while adults servants wore jeonrip (氈笠) and sochangui. Performers are seen clad in a sochangui, jeonbok, and a blue sash around their waists. Secondly, the elderly bride is portrayed wearing a keunmeori (ceremonial headdress) and a green wonsam (圓衫) in "Gyobaeryedo," while in "Heonsuyeondo," she is depicted in a blue skirt and a jade colored jeogori (赤古里). Women descendants are shown adorning headdress decorations, such as binyeo(簪), banja(斑子) and pearl daenggi (眞珠唐紒) on their eoyeomeori (於于味, ceremonial headdress). They are further dressed in skirts of navy, red, and jade hues, paired with various-colored jeogori. Additionally, a woman wearing a navy skirt and a green jangot (長衣) is also depicted. The dongnyeo (童女, unmarried women) wear beolsaengmeri (娘子雙髻), headdress) with long binyeo and long dodaik-daenggi (都多益唐只). They wear chilbo-jokduri (七寶簇頭里) and a red skirt with a green hoejang-jeogori (回裝赤古里). Bija (婢子) wears garima (加里亇) on her eoyeomeori and is seen dressed in skirts and jeogori resembling those worn by noble women, albeit with lighter colors, shorter skirt length, and a subdued volume. Ginyeo's attire bears similarities to that of noble women, although with a dress with less vibrant tones and devoid of decorations on the eoyeomeori. Thirdly, based on the main character's jarip, along with the cheolrik and jikryeong worn by the guests, as well as the performances by musicians of the military camp, it is suggested that the main character of the 60th wedding anniversary is connected to the Ministry of Military Affairs or the military camp. Judging by the military band's short-sleeved vest, the silhouettes of the women dress, and the headdresses, it is likely that the "Hoehonryedocheop" was produced between the 1760s and 1780s.