• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.46-69
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• 2013

The results of study on the meaning landscape and environmental design techniques of the Byulup, Yoohoedang garden(Hageowon) based on the story in the collection of Kwon Yi-jin (Yoohoedangjip, 有懷堂集), are as below. First, Yoohoedang Kwon Yi-jin (有懷堂 權以鎭 : 1668~1734) constructed a Byulup garden consisting of ancestor grave, Byulup, garden, and a school, through 3 steps for 20 years in the back hill area of Moosoo-dong village, south of Mountain Bomun in Daejeon. In other words, he built the Byulup(別業, Yoohoedang) by placing his father's grave in the back hill of the village, and then constructed Yoegeongam(餘慶菴) and Geoupjae(居業齋) for protection of the pond(Napoji, 納汚池), garden(Banhwanwon, 盤桓園), and ancestor graves, and descendants' studying in the middle stage. He built an extension in Yoohoedang and finally completed the large-size garden (Hageowon) by extending the east area. Second, in terms of geomancy sense, Yoohoedang Byulup located in Moosoo-dong village area is the representative example including all space elements such as main living house (the head family house of Andong Kwon family), Byulup (Yoohoedang), ancestor graves, Hagoewon (garden) and Yoegeongam (cemetery management and school) which byulup type Byulseo should be equipped with. Thirdly, there are various meaning landscape elements combining the value system of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism value, including; (1) remembering parents, (2) harmonious family, (3) integrity, (4) virtue, (5) noble personality, (6) good luck, (7) hermit life, (8) family prosperity and learning development, (9) grace from ancestors, (10) fairyland, (11) guarding ancestor graves, and (12) living ever-young. Fourth, after he arranged ancestor graveyard in the back of the village, he used surrounding natural landscapes to construct Hagoewon garden with water garden consisting of 4 mountain streams and 3 ponds for 13 years, and finally completed a beautiful fairyland with 5 platforms, 3 bamboo forests, as well as the Seokgasan(石假山, artificial hill). Fifth, he adopted landscape plantation (28 kinds; pine, maple, royal azalea, azalea, persimmon tree, bamboo, willow, pomegranate tree, rose, chinensis, chaenomeles speciosa, Japanese azalea, peach tree, lotus, chrysanthemum, peony, and Paeonia suffruticosa, etc.) to apply romance from poetic affection, symbol and ideal from personification, as well as plantation plan considering seasonal landscapes. Landscape rocks were used by intact use of natural rocks, connecting with water elements, garden ornament method using Seokyeonji and flower steps, and mountain Seokga method showing the essence of landscape meanings. In addition, waterscape are characterized by active use of water considering natural streams and physio-graphic condition (eastern valley), ecological corridor role that rhythmically connects each space of the garden and waterways following routes, landscape meaning introduction connecting 'gaining knowledge by the study of things' values including Hwalsoodam(活水潭, pond), Mongjeong(蒙井, spring), Hosoo(濠水, stream), and Boksoo(?水, stream), and sensuous experience space construction with auditory and visualization using properties of landscape matters.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.48-63
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• 2013

The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.243-266
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• 2004

This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.415-455
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• 2019

This paper aimed to clarify the identity and category of the Jeong Jeongnyeol-je Chunhyangga from the perspective of the pansori transfer, while revealing the trajectory of Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, which remains in the modern pansori. Jeong Jeong-ryeol's Chunhyangga pansori part has been handed out to date, and except for the love song section, the pansori section, which corresponds to the love-separate-suffering-reunion paragraph, is almost complete. In the case of "Lee Doryeong enters Dongheon," "Hwangneungmyo song," and "The royal secret inspector visits Chunhyang's house to console her", there is a difference in pansori rhythm compared to Chunhyangga, which is currently held. "Why Yi Doryeong came to Chunhyang's House" is used in the form of an Aniri in the current Chunhyangga and "Chunhyang is treated as a virtuous woman in Namwon" is the only one included in Park Rokju's Changbon. "The royal secret inspector gathers people of Namwon to give a feast" is a new part that is not found in Chunhyangga, which is now being held, and can be seen as the Changgeuk sori of pursuing theatrical fun. On the other hand, this paper confirmed that the period between 1936 and 1937, when the Joseon Traditional Vocal Music Group actively performed Changgeuk and the record companies released a series of Changgeuk records, such as and , was an important time for the re-establishment of the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, and that the Chunhyangga of those who had learned it before 1936-1937 was different from those who had learned it after that period. The preceding group includes Park Rok-ju, Kim Yeo-ran and Kim So-hee, while the latter group includes Kim Yeon-soo, Jung Kwang-soo, Park Dong-jin, Jung Kwang-soo and Kang Do-geun. In addition, except for Kim So-hee, these two groups are divided by the time they have learned Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je, whether they inherit the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je from beginning to end, and by the gender of male and female singers. In teaching his pupils, Jeong Jeong-ryeol chose to use the "old-fashioned pansori" teaching method with impromptu plate-making in mind and the "modern pansori" teaching method with stereotyped sounds in mind. As a result, there were two aspects of Jeong Jeongryeol-je Chunhyangga's succession: a female singer-centered succession, which was held as learned from beginning to end, and a male singer-centered succession, which was held differently depending on the pansori schools or versions.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.81-113
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• 2011

This study investigates leisure activity, involvement and self-concept in cyberspace of various age groups of adolescents. A total of 1,388 students (elementary school=337, middle school=326, high school=361, university=364, consisting of 696 male and 692 female) participated in the study. The results are as follows. First, although the vast majority of adolescents (96.9%) had a computer at home, majority of adolescents visited Internet cafe. Second, 70.3% of adolescents visited Internet cafe to play Internet games, followed by engaging in information search, chatting, and participated in cyber community. Third, on average adolescents spent 5.43 hours per week playing Internet games, with more males playing Internet games than female adolescents. As for information search, the weekly average was 2.60 hours, with university students spending more time than the other groups. As for chatting, the weekly average was 1.69 hours, with no significant differences among the groups. The weekly average of Internet use was 9.65 hours, with older groups spending more time. The weekly average use of computer was 10.91 hours, with older groups spending more time and more males using more computer than females. Fourth, as for self-concept in cyberspace, elementary and middle school students reported that they had fun, while high school and university students reported that they were the same as in the regular daily life. In addition, adolescents reported that they spent leisure activity in cyberspace and they become a fictional character in cyberspace. Fifth, when they played Internet games, regardless of age and gender, adolescents reported that they had fun, followed by that they were absorbed, that they became aggressive, and that they were the same as in the regular daily life. Sixth, when they chatted on Internet, regardless of age and gender, adolescents reported that they had fun, followed by that they were not interested, that they were the same as in the regular daily life, and that they do not chat on Internet. Seventh, when they interacted with their friends on Internet, regardless of age and gender, majority of adolescents reported that they had fun, followed by that they conversed, that they were the same as in the regular daily life, and that they felt closer. These results indicate that Korean adolescents view Internet as a place to spend their leisure time and that they enjoyed spending time on Internet.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.81-88
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• 2001

This study is to investigate attitude by college students toward transformation of traditional food into fast food style. Data were collected from a convenient sample of 340 students who were enrolled in colleges in Busan metropolitan area. Bivariate analyses with sociodemographic characteristics were made on attitude including evaluation on effects of western fast food taking on eating practice, comparison of willingness to take western-brand fast food with traditional food in fast food style, evaluation of domestic-brand fast food, need and probability of success of operation of fast food restaurant serving only traditional food, list of kinds of traditional food could be in fast food, perceived obstacles to develop traditional food in fast food style and intention to utilize fast food restaurant serving only traditional food if available.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.44
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• pp.105-138
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• 2016

Recently with the research function, "XML Digital collection of Sijo Texts in the Period of Modern Enlightenment" DB data is being provided through the Korean Research Memory (http://www.krm.or.kr) and the foundation for the constructing the contents of Sijo Texts in the Period of Modern Enlightenment has been laid. In this paper, by reviewing the characteristics and problems of Digital collection of Sijo Texts in the Period of Modern Enlightenment and searching for the improvement, I tried to find a way to make it into the content. This database has the primary meaning in the integrating and glancing at the vast amounts of Sijo in the Period of Modern Enlightenment to reaching 12,500 pieces. In addition, it is the first Sijo data base which is provide the variety of search features according to literature, name of poet, title of work, original text, per period, and etc. However, this database has the limits to verifying the overall aspects of the Sijo in the Period of Modern Enlightenment. The title and original text, which is written in the archaic word or Chinese character, could not be searched, because the standard type text of modern language is not formatted. And also the works and the individual Sijo works released after 1945 were missing in the database. It is inconvenient to extract the datum according to the poet, because poets are marked in the various ways such as one's real name, nom de plume and etc. To solve this kind of problems and improve the utilization of the database, I proposed the providing the standard type text of modern language, giving the index terms about content, providing the information on the work format and etc. Furthermore, if the Sijo database in the Period of Modern Enlightenment which is prepared the character of the Sijo Culture Information System could be built, it could be connected with the academic, educational contents. For the specific plan, I suggested as follow, - learning support materials for the Modern history and the national territory recognition on the Modern Age - source materials for studying indigenous animals and plants characters creating the commercial characters - applicability as the Sijo learning tool such as Sijo Game.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.35
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• pp.153-193
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• 2017

This study explores the creation and enjoyment of Kuwoonmong (九雲夢) using a reference system called the cultural imagination, which is related to the Yin-Yang (陰陽) and Wu Xing (五行). When Kim Manjung wrote Guwoonmong, he may have composed figures and events based on this imagination. In particular, when he designed the eight seonnyeo (팔선녀), he set the order such as Gap (甲), Eul (乙), Byeong (병), Jeong (丁), etc. and characterized them according to the celestial stem (天干). Thus it was easy to avoid overlapping of characters and to construct various stories and relationships between them. The table below shows the characters of Kuwoonmong corresponding to the celestial stem. In not only the individual person but also the narrative world, Kuwoonmon demonstrates Yin-Yang and Wu Xing's imagination. In this respect, Kuwoonmon can be considered a large symbol encompassing the abstract theory of Yin-Yang and Wu Xing. Of course, the writer, Kim, Manjung would not have tried to symbolize the principle intentionally. However, he was also present in the environment of the cultural imagination that has been formed over the years. The same is true for the contemporary recipients of Guwunmong. They would have had a pleasant experience applying the cultural imagination and strengthening their familiar world view and human view.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.106-130
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• 2009

The aim of this paper is analysis of structure and development pattern about wooden coffin and chamber tombs in Gyeongju from the 2nd century B.C. to the 3rd century A.D. for researching to socio-political tendency and growth process of Sarokuk. Tombs buried with iron objects were built in Youngnam(嶺南) from the 2nd century B.C. with spread wooden coffin with stone mound(積石木棺墓). Also medium or small sized wooden coffin tombs buried with bronze mirror of western Han(前漢) and soft stoneware(瓦質土器) were appeared the 2nd century B.C. in Gyeongju, because of establishment of Han's commanderies(漢郡縣) in the Korean Peninsula and refuge from Daedong river(大同江) to Jinhan(辰韓). Separate tombs(獨立墓) with lots of bronze object ware assumed high ranked tombs of parsonage(司祭王) or local chief(地域首長). From the 2nd century A.D. the size of wooden coffin tombs became enlarged and funerary objects ware abundant, for example Sarari 130th tomb(舍羅里 130號). The burying pattern of this tomb is similar to wooden chamber tombs in Lelang(樂浪), which had prestige goods like lacquer ware and bronze mirror in wood box(木匣) beside coffin. Appearance of these wooden chamber tombs that were different from original wooden coffin tombs imply interaction between Lelang and these area with iron. Sarari community that held right of trade and distribution to outside through the geographical advantage grew up centered position in Gyeongju politically, socially, and culturally. Chamber in tomb as a new structural notion that can secure funerary objects became firmly was established from the 2nd century A.D. in Gyeongju and large sized wooden chamber tombs were generally built early of the 3rd century A.D. This tendency was reflected in stratification of community and growth as center of local state. After late of the 3rd century A.D. Gyeongju type wooden chamber tomb(慶州式木槨墓) which had subordinate outer coffin(副槨) was appeared and then subordinate outer coffin was as bigger as main chamber(主槨) the 4th century A.D., because of centralization and stratification in society and unification of various communities among the Gyeongju area.