• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.133-185
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• 2021

This study is an attempt to connect television drama M, which deals with abortion issues, with theoretical focus such as materiality, relativity, and agency, to understand diffractively as an cartography of agential reality. According to Karen Barard's Agential Realism, Television drama M is a sociocultural phenomenon produced by the agential intra-actions of material-discursive apparatuses such as medical technology, ghost stories and legends, and male-affect. The 1990s repeatedly revealed "hate" through apparatuses such as technology, discourse, and affect, which are directed at women's gendered bodies. The material -discursive practice of plastic surgery and abortion proves that the agential reality surrounding the body is closely intertwined with medical technology, as well as with the genderized hate. Another related material-discursive phenomenon is rediscovery of the legend and fad of the ghost story, which is also produced from the hate of the denaturalized body, which is once again expanded and reproduced. Appearing in this environment of affect, M enacts diffraction, which is based on backlash, lacking posthuman implications for the materialization of the techno-body. M puts humanistic assumptions about "Man" as a universal definition, historically framed and defined in context. But it is not universal and it is gendered. The current time when the political turmoil surrounding medical technology, discourse, and bodily matters is violently intra-acted is the time to carefully account and respond to the alternative definitions of human beings that M has rejected.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.8
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• pp.315-325
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• 2021

Yeonjae(淵齋) Song Byeong-seon(宋秉璿, 1836-1905) was the ninth-generation descendant of Uam (尤庵) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈). During his lifetime, he gained the trust of Yu-rim(儒林) and was called to the court several times. However, he eventually refused an official] post and spent his life cultivating his studies in the wild. When the Eulsa Treaty(乙巳條約) was signed on November 17, Yeonjae pleaded with King Gojong about the abolition of the treaty. And on the morning of December 30, Yeon-jae committed suicide at his old house in Hoedeok(懷德). At this time, Yeon-jae sent the final appeal to the king, leaving a message to the king, the people, and Yu-rim about the restoration of national sovereignty, fulfilling his duties as a leader of Sarim(士林). After that, in 1962, Yeonjae was awarded the Order of Independence Medal of National Founding. Song Byeong-seon's excursions took place throughout his life. 22 long and short travelogues are existed today. The excursions were mainly done by land, so most of them rode horses or mules. He sometimes used floats or kilns. But he sometimes knew how to use the waterways effectively. This is because in some travel reports, routes using inland waterways and sea routes appear. The journey of the series continues all the way to finding the relics of his ancestors. In this process, it is clear that he reaffirmed its mission of succession to the family and promised to be a part of the brilliant feat of the ancestors. In addition, the reading of the scriptures and Neo-Confucian discussion were added to the excursions. His excursions continued as a means of publicizing and expanding the Neo-Confucian worldview. Thus, Yeonjae inherited the spirit of John Wangyangi(尊王攘夷) left by his ancestors, and finally raised the banner of Wijeongcheoksa(衛正斥邪) high. And he resolutely set out on the road to death for the country.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.126-149
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• 2020

Considering significant words that stand for the history of Paleolithic in North Korea, these can be summarized for each decade since the 1960s. The 1960s ought to be when the earliest discovery of a Paleolithic site was made by Korean hands. The 1970s might be the earliest period for textbooks being published that were geared towards increasing general understanding of the Paleolithic era in the Korean peninsula. The 1980s can be summarized as a period of reissued Paleolithic articles from a newly introduced archaeological journal. The 1990s witnessed efforts to formulate nationalistic interpretations about the Paleolithic period in Korea. The 2000s then synthesized several of these aspects of Paleolithic studies. Gulpori, the Paleolithic site that was discovered in the 1960s, holds significance not just because of the discovery itself, but because of its prompt acceptance by North Korean academic authorities. The publications that covered general understanding of Paleolithic archaeology such as Joseon Gogohag Gaeyo, Joseon-ui Guseoggisidae, and Joseonjeonsa: Wonsipyeon in the 1970s hold immense significance themselves, as they demonstrate contemporary achievements. Reintroduction of the archaeological Journal, Joseongogoyeongu in 1986, is the beacon of alleviation of conspicuous effect to the academic sector. During the 1990s, a new emphasis on nationalism influenced Paleolithic studies. In the 2000s, the formally constructed elements of Paleolithic research such as Paleolithic chronology, social evolution, lithic assemblage, Quaternary studies, and human evolution were consistently refined. Metaphorically speaking, these parts are like a polygonal structure. As is the case with a polygonal structure, these research aspects are united and work together. Each part affects the others. Although the content of each research aspect has been altered by either academic growth or sociopolitical agenda, the fundamental part of the polygonal structure is not likely to be changed. The structure is solid enough to continue to serve the purposes of North Korean Paleolithic studies. North Korean Paleolithic archaeology seems to be a juxtaposition; some parts are easily changed while others are not. In order to ascertain these, not only the academic but also the sociopolitical context should be followed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.154-169
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• 2019

This study attempts to shed light on the nature and purpose of the small melon-shaped celadon ewer that was found in the Sinan shipwreck, focusing on the fact that it has the shape of a ewer, yet could not really have served as a tea or liquor utensil given its small size and unusual shape. We analyzed the shape-related characteristics of other melon-shaped celadon ewers as well as this one; checked the use of similar items unearthed in China and Japan; examined the relevant literature, materials, and paintings; and arrived at the following conclusion. First, it was found that the small melon-shaped celadon ewer was one of a type that was first made in the Southern Song Period in China and continued to be made until the Yuan Period. The artifact displays some differences from many similar relics found in the same shipwreck, particularly its spout, lid, and handle. Second, research on the tea ceremonies and types of liquors prevalent during the Song and Yuan Periods of China, as well as the appearance of this ewer, suggest that it was unsuitable for use as a liquor utensil. Third, we looked at the relevant literature records, paintings, and relics unearthed in China and Japan in an attempt to determine its actual purpose. It is well known that the literati had a deep affection for stationery items, particularly water droppers, which were made in a variety of shapes during the Song Period of China and thereafter. According to literature dating from the Song and Ming Periods, it appears that melon- or ewer-shaped water droppers were used. Certain paintings from the Ming Period depict a small ewer, along with a water dropper, as a stationery item. Looking at paintings dating from medieval Japan, small ewer-shaped objects do not figure among the tea and liquor utensils depicted, whereas kettles with handles and hot water bottles do. Objects known as yeonjeok (a water dropper) were included among the items said to have been made in pottery kilns during medieval Japan. However, a book on flower arrangement of Japan dating from the fifteenth century shows a small ewer, with flowers in it, among the stationery items placed on a desk. Based on this detail, it is concluded that the small melon-shaped celadon ewer from the Sinan shipwreck might have been used as a flower bottle as well as a stationery item.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.4-23
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to explore the diversity of Korea's iron casting technology and to examine various casting methods. The study involved a literature review, analysis of artifacts, local investigation of production tools and technology, and scientific analysis of casting and cast materials. Bellows technology, or Bulmi technology, is a form of iron casting technology that uses bellows to melt cast iron before the molten iron is poured into a clay cast. This technology, handed down only in Jeju Island, relies on use of a clay cast instead of the sand cast that is more common in mainland Korea. Casting methods for cast iron pots can be broadly divided into two: sand mold casting and porcelain casting. The former uses a sand cast made from mixing seokbire (clay mixed with soft stones), sand and clay, while the latter uses a clay cast, formed by mixing clay with rice straw and reed. The five steps in the sand mold casting method for iron pot are cast making, filling, melting iron into molten iron, pouring the molten iron into the cast mold, and refining the final product. The six steps in the porcelain clay casting method are cast making, cast firing, spreading jilmeok, melting iron into molten iron, pouring the molten iron, and refining the final product. The two casting methods differ in terms of materials, cast firing, and spreading of jilmeok. This study provided insight into Korea's unique iron casting technology by examining the scientific principles behind the materials and tools used in each stage of iron pot casting: collecting and kneading mud, producing a cast, biscuit firing, hwajeokmosal (building sand on the heated cast) and spreading jilmeok, drying and biyaljil (spreading jilmeok evenly on the cast), hapjang (combining two half-sized casts to make one complete cast), producing a smelting furnace, roasting twice, smelting, pouring molten iron into a cast, and refining the final product. Scientific analysis of the final product and materials involved in porcelain clay casting showed that the main components were mud and sand (SiO₂, Al₂O₃, and Fe₂O₃). The release agent was found to be graphite, containing SiO₂, Al₂O₃, Fe₂O₃, and K₂O. The completed cast iron pot had the structure of white cast iron, comprised of cementite (Fe₃C) and pearlite (a layered structure of ferrite and cementite).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.192-211
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• 2021

In Seongju, Gyengsangbuk-do, the Placenta Chamber (胎室, Taesil) of 18 sons and a son of the crown prince of King Sejong(世宗大王) is located in one place. Taesil refers to the place where the umbilical cord and placenta, which are separated when the baby is born, are placed in a jar made of pottery and stone box and then buried on the ground. The placenta chamber in Seongju has the Buncheong ware (粉靑沙器) cover buried on the ground to protect the baby's placenta. These covers are all hemispherical, with a diameter of more the 20cm. The decorations were made using black and white inlaid techniques only on the outside. The Buncheong ware cover with this shape and pattern has been confirmed only in the placenta chamber in Seongju. This study targets 6 of the Buncheong ware cover whose owners were identified, when and where they were prepared, what the stylistic features and meanings are, and where it was produced. The results of the study are as follows. First, ss a result of reviewing the production background and procurement system of this bowl, it was inferred that it was sourced from Jangheunggo (長興庫) at the central government office, between 1436 and 1439, when the event to bury the placenta of royal members in the ground was the most active. Second, it analyzed the unique features of this cover, such as the shape, pattern, and baked traces. The shape and pattern were compared to the ritual objects contained in the Sejong Silok Oryeui (『世宗實錄』 「五禮」, Five Rites of King Sejong Chronicle) and the lid of the royal placenta jar made in the 15th and 16th centuries. Third, this study suggests that the baking method was based on the shape and location of the traces remaining outside the cover. Finally, the following data were used to estimate the production site: the relationship with the 'Jagiso (磁器所, ceramic workshop) registered in the Sejong Silok Jiriji (『世宗實錄』 「地理志」, Geographical Appendix of King Sejong Chronicle); various records of contribution and dedication about the Buncheong ware made here; and the Buncheong ware and related tools excavated from the kiln site in the area. The place where the Buncheong ware cover was produced is estimated to be the most likely production site for the kiln site in Chunghyo-dong Kiln Site, located in Jeolla-do province by synthesizing the data above.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.80-99
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• 2018

In premodern society, the central spaces in local counties were known as Eupchi (邑治), in which Gwan-a (官衙). The Eupchi located in seaside counties were in Eupseong, whereas the Eupchi of inland counties only included a Gwan-a, and did not have a fortress. Yanggeun-gun (楊根郡) and Jipyeonghyeon (砥平縣), which currently form Yangpyeong-gun (楊平郡), were counties where only Gwan-a existed. At present, there are few traces of the Gwan-a in Yanggeun and Jipyeong. In addition, it is impossible to exactly verify the history, scale and location of these two Gwan-as. Therefore, this study attempts to make a rough estimation of the histories, scales and sites of these Gwan-a by analyzing the relevant literature and ancient maps that are scattered according to the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a. The Yanggeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a appear to have been built in the early Joseon period. There are three reasons for this assertion: First, in Yanggeun and Jipyeong, Suryeong (守令) were first officially appointed after the early Joseon period. Once Suryoeng were appointed to such counties, the Gwan-a in which they would serve could be established. Second, the Dongheon (東軒) in Yanggengun and the Gaeksa (客舍) in Jipyeonghyeon were rebuilt in 1703 (29th year of the reign of King Sukjong) and 1465 (11th year of the reign of King Sejo), respectively; thus; the Gwan-a must have existed since the early Joseon period.. Third, in Yanggeungun, the Hyanggyo (鄕校) had existed since the early Joseon period, as the Joseon government necessarily established the Hyanggyo in areas where Suryeong were established. The facilities of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period were largely divided into gonghae (公?), educational institutes, and alters. The gonghae was a facility in which the Suryeong and Gwanwon (官員) managed administrative, judicial and military affairs, and consisted of the A-sa (衙舍), Hyeongcheong (鄕廳), Jackcheong (作廳), Gaeksa (客舍), Gungwancheon (軍官廳), and so on. The education institute was called a Hyeonggyo, while alters included the Sajikdan (社稷壇), Seonghwansa (城隍祠) and Yeodan (?壇). Both the Yeongeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a also consisted of such facilities as A-sa, Hyangcheong, Jakcheong, Gaeksa, Gungwancheong, Hyeonggyo, Changgo, Sajikdan, Seonghwangsa, Yeodan, Saryeongcheong, Jiincheong and Gwannocheong. The present sites for both Gwan-as cannot be identified with any certitude. However, they can be roughly identified by connecting the related literatures, oral statements and relics with the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period. ${\bullet}$ Address of the Yanggeun A-sa (Dongheon): the whole of # 15, Gwanmun 1-gil, Yangpyeong-eup (Yanggeun-ri 151) in front of Yanggeun Junior High School at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Yanggeun Gaeksa: around the Yangpyeong police station at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong A-sa(Dongheon): the whole of Jipyeong-ri 248-250, Jipyeong-myeon at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong Gaeksa: the whole of Jipyeong-ri 238, Jipyeong-myeon at present.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.84-107
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• 2018

Cheommojik is a pile cloth, a type of textile whose surface is covered with short piles. The term chaedam was used during the late Joseon dynasty to refer to pile cloth rugs, while the terms yoongjeon, dantong and yangtanja were used in the early twentieth century. Various documents, newspaper articles and photographs confirm that pile cloth rugs were used by the general public as well as the royal family from the late Joseon dynasty onward, and that there were domestic manufacturers of such rugs at that time. This study investigated six pile cloth rugs that were produced after the late Joseon dynasty, five of which feature Persian knots made of cut pile, the other being made with the loop pile method. The cut pile rugs are rectangular in shape and measure between 72-98cm by 150-156cm; and they are decorated in the middle with patterns of butterfly, deer, and tiger or the ten longevity symbols, and along the edges with patterns composed of 卍 symbols. The ground warp of all six rugs are made from cotton yarn, while the ground weft is made of cotton yarn on three pieces, wool on one piece and cotton and viscose rayon. The ground weft yarn from four pieces are Z-twist yarn made with two or more S-twist cotton yarn. Four to six colors were used for the pile weft, all being natural colors except for red. Two or more S- or Z-twist yarn were twisted together in the opposite twist for the pile weft, with the thickness determining the number of threads used. Six or more weft threads were used to make the start and end points of the rug; and the ground warp ends were arranged by tying every four of them together. For the left and right edges, three or more threads were wrapped together into a round stick-like form, and the second and third inner ground warps from the edges were stitched on to the wrapped edge. For the loop pile, loops were made in the direction of the warp; the ground warp and the ground weft may have been made with cotton, the pile warp with wool yarn. An analysis of the components of three rugs was conducted to determine which types of animal hair were used for the pile weft. Despite some inconclusive results, it was revealed that goat hair and fat-tailed sheep hair were used, raising the possibility that various kinds of animal fur were used in the production of pile cloth rugs. The six rugs examined in this study are estimated to have been made between the late 1800s and the early 1900s. Although the manufacturer of the rugs cannot be confirmed, we concluded that the rugs were produced in Korea after referring to the documentation of the domestic production of pile cloth rugs during the aforementioned period and the form and placements of the patterns on the rugs.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.327-363
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• 2018

This paper tracks the present state of the Gugak educational programs run by Gugak-specialized museums including Museum of Gugak not only to set a directionality of Museum of Gugak to step forward for their main purposes, but also to find measures to invigorate its Gugak educational programs. There are 826 museums registered in 2016 nationwide, and ten of them are Gugak-specialized museums including Museum of Gugak. An analysis of the educational programs by Museum of Gugak presents high achievements in concentrativeness, participation and satisfaction levels. However, several issues such as difficulty level adjustment, education period arrangement, contents development, setting of a precise aim of education, and overcoming of regional limitations are to be solved in the future. Considering these special circumstances, the study suggests setting a directionality of Gugak education by following four conditions: Firtly, the Gugak education programs by Museum of Gugak should be user-oriented. Secondly, it is necessary to provide customized learning programs to suit users of various ages and generations. Thirdly, a solid education is required to enhance creativity deviating from uniform, unilateral, fragmentary education focused on materials and relics of museums as the users' experiences and learning levels vary. Fourthly, integrated education with relevant study in common use is required as the specialized environments of the museum could cause users psychological resistance and lessen their willingness to approach. Focusing on these four conditions several invigoration measures for the Gugak education programs are discussed: Firstly, a step-by-step approach, not a radical shift, is required in order to turn existing programs into the user-oriented. Secondly, customized learning programs should be planned in consideration of life cycle of the users. Thirdly, it is necessary to establish virtuous circulation reflecting activity-based contents as well as to provide the users experiences through five senses for solid Gugak education, in which various elements such as experiencing, learning, playing, viewing are reflected manifoldly. Fourthly, integrated education can be implemented when the features of Gugak educational programs are internally structured and the external environment matures.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.208-241
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• 2010

This study was conducted to examine the chronology of Taesil Seokham(Taesil Stone Boxes) stored in Taesil of the Joseon Palace and classify the styles to discuss how these boxes have developed. By doing so, this study defined the archaeological styles of taesil seokhams in the chronological order. Although taesil seokhams are placed when taesil are first created, they do not have any texts engraved on them and it is difficult to gain information only from examining taesil seokham. However, Taejiseok(memorial stones buried in Taesil) and Agibi(gravestones buried in Taesil) were created along with taesil. These resources were examined and compared with literature records to find when each taesil seokhams was created. The critical elements to consider for the chronological arrangement were both the cover and container of the boxes and the transition of their style could be classified into four major stages. In detail, the Joseon Dynasty's taesil seokhams initially inherited the style of the Goryeo Dynasty to be formed into rectangular boxes. Through the transition of the mid and late 15th Century, the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container became the popular style in the late 15th Century. In the late 16th Century, the style of the previous period was further developed to add some decorative elements, such as projecting ornaments, but the ornaments were added for functional purposes rather than artistic purposes. However, the style went back to the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container in the early 17th Century. From the mid 17th Century, various styles appeared with ornaments only on the cover, cone-shaped cover with no ornament, or mortar-like container. However, a new style of cone-shaped cover with ornament emerged between the early and mid 18th Century and continued to stay until the mid 18th Century. In the mid 18th Century, the cover remained unchanged, but the container became a keyhole-shaped space with one side forming a "ㄷ" shape. However, in the late 18th Century, the most typical style of the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container reappeared to show that this is the most universal style. Last, in the mid 19th Century, the cover changed from semi-circular to rectangular with flat top. After this, the taesil seokhams began to disappear. In terms of style, it can be classified into four stages. In the early Joseon Dynasty, the taesil seokhams were underdeveloped and inherited the style of the Goryeo Dynasty (Stage I; 1401~mid-15C), but Joseon's unique style began to develop from the late 15th Century (Stage II; 1477~1641). After that, partial ornaments were added for adornment (Stage III; 1660~1754), but the typical style reappeared in the late 18th Century to finally degrade in the late Joseon Dynasty of the mid 19th Century (Stage IV; 1790~1874). This arrangement of style and chronology would greatly help archaeologists anticipate the time and owner of taesil seokhams even if only taesil seokhams are discovered without any records. * Tae(胎) : Placenta and umbilical cord * Taesil(胎室) : A facility(chamber) of burying Tae(胎) in rite when royal descendants are born.