• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.193-224
• /
• 2019

Shaman's play is significant in that it provided public theater for a long time in the theatrical and dramatic history. Unlike upper class who could call entertainer or Korean geisha in the traditional society, the majority of ordinary people could see professional performances through gut. Therefore, the shaman of the traditional society pulled the play which developed in the gut and the outside play into the gut and prepared the performance street for the ordinary people. shaman's play, apart from the religious context, has also functioned as a theatrical performance. Through shaman's play, you can see the process of ritual development into play. Shaman's play is a ritual ritual of expel calamity in an agriculture based society. In Korean consciousness, evil spirits are thought to bring disease or disaster to humans, so they should be good for evil spirits. This is a ritual that goes hand in hand with the Confucian Yeoje and the Buddhist Suryukjae. Most traditional plays, including masque performance, tend to weaken and become stifling after the designation of intangible cultural properties. However, shaman's play is transformed every time it is executed and is given a new meaning. Depending on the ability of the shaman to respond to and accommodate social change, adaptability is excellent depending on the situation in the field. Shaman's play has richness, prevent calamity and playful elements such as imitation of god and sexual connection based on the element of shamanism. In addition, it is necessary to pay attention to the meaning and the direction of Shaman's play because it is differentiated into play including social subject beyond mere magic imitation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.20
• /
• pp.309-338
• /
• 2010

This article is about seeking for modern festival possibility of Mudang gut with noticing a festival essence of it. Several components and process of performing Maeul gut can be a festival. But the recent condition of gut pan obstructs becoming a festival. Above of all, distorted eyes on Mudang gut deny a festivity. Transition into seeking for private fortune and the duplicity of concealing a Mudang gut have weakened a festivity of Mudang gut. Maeul gut becomes a ceremony with unequal distribution of support fund and the support fund on intangible cultural assets. Therefore, we should consider Mudang gut as a game. People need to change their preception as a performance that people can actively take part in. Mudang gut need a active participants not bystanders. When people consider them selves as actors, Mudang gut will be a festival.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.39
• /
• pp.393-413
• /
• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.21 no.10
• /
• pp.767-773
• /
• 2021

This thesis is a study on the rhythm of the funeri dance among the East Coast Guts. The jangdans used in the East Coast Gut are used for dance, samurai, and play scenes. In addition, it is a means for the shaman to perform the gut smoothly, and it also includes a role to represent humans and gods. In particular, the funeri jangdan has been performed in the preparatory stage before worshiping the god, prior to the ceremony of worshiping the god. Therefore, it can be said that it is a meaningful jangdan with a procedure for preparing to welcome the god and performing rituals and bows. In fact, if you are constrained by time while performing a gut, long jangdans respond with fast jangdans and sing samurai. On the other hand, the funeri jangdan is played without omission without any special measures. However, there are cases where one of Chapter 1 or Chapter 2 is omitted for circumstances, or only Chapter 3 is played. In other words, the verse of chapter 3 must be played. Judging from this aspect, it can be confirmed that the functional and ceremonial part of this jangdan is important to the progress of the funery jangdan. Therefore, if the position and function of the jangdan are recognized and the work is created through this study, its artistry and tradition will be further developed, and it is thought that it can be a stepping stone to increase the value of traditional art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.20
• /
• pp.213-249
• /
• 2010

Aside from the Kangryung masked dance, a masque dance in the near of Ongjin county in Hwanghae province has been transmitted. This article was written by two researchers to investigate this fact in a new way. Inwoo Song had conducted a focus interview aimed at persons who came from Ongjin to South Korea and Hyungho Chung had been responsible for summarizing and analyzing the interview. Bonyoung and Suyoung were a place in which a navy admiral stayed and a very rich area. These two places and Kangryung invited and perfomed each other. They kept a competition relationship for the performance. For this reason, the masque dance had advanced in this area. Compared to Kangryung masked dance, this masked dance had a difference in the performance order including a lion dance. Malddukyi dance was expressed in detail in the first part and Hanryang dance was performed independently in the middle of the dance. Sangjwa dance among dances was considered important. Also a lively Malddukyi dance was a scale which measured the skill of the dance. Chwiballyi starred in the dance. The mask was made from a paper and had a grotesque ghost face. This dance was played around Dan-oh. The music accompaniment was conducted by professional musician group, "Kyungjanpae", who lived in the vicinity. They had talents such as masked dance, tightrope dancing, tumbling in addition to music accompaniment. Especially, a local shaman took part in the Bonyoung masked dance and leaded an excorcism after the death of Halmi. Also, in the part of the Kwangdaedaegam gut, the shaman and village people put on the mask and danced together. Therefore, a shaman was closely connected with a local masked dance. After the Korean war, Kangryung masked dance was restored but Bongyoung and Sogang masked dance was not transmitted at all. This article will be helpful for completing the script and restoring the Bongyoung and Sogang masked dance.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.23
• /
• pp.245-280
• /
• 2011

One of the major streams of modern play in Korea is the work of introducing Korea's traditional ritual-'gut' into a play. Such work, together with the stream of diversification of culture, has brought about the tendency to induce 'gut' into a play in a creative way. The research on ritual plays in Korea has been done in the direction of studying the ritual plays in the West centering on the work of theoretically inquiring into histrionic features inhering in 'gut' as a ritual. This research made an analysis of the receptive aspect of rituals and histrionic characteristics presented in Korea plays through "Sanssikgim" and "Ogu" on the basis of the theory of ritual plays established by Artaud. In an effort to understand the receptive aspect of rituals, this research analyzed what forms these Korean works are borrowing from "Ssikgim gut" and "Ogu gut" while analyzing these works differently from the viewpoint of Artaud regarding characteristics of ritual plays. Accordingly, this research made an analysis of the structure and characteristic of "gut" with the aim of understanding in what form "gut" is absorbed into Korean plays by looking at the theatric receptive forms of "gut." The ritual plays in Korea originated in "gut." Likewise, the theater of cruelty by Artaud was greatly influenced by the belly dance stemming from "mudang-gut" in Asia. Accordingly, there is considerably exposed something in common between the ritual play in Korea and Artaud's theater of cruelty. "Gut" in Korea, or ritual plays are a little different from Artaud's work which makes its audience feel unfamiliar in that 'gut' or ritual plays in Korea are pursuing ritualistic quality and playing quality simultaneously, but there exists a similarity between the two in that they both desired to have communication with audiences. This researcher strongly believes that for the time to come, when the receptive aspect of the modern play assuming ritualistic quality is developed using the medium of communication with audiences, purification and play therapy, its direction will be more noticeably exposed.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.22
• /
• pp.5-43
• /
• 2011

Before the Korean War, Korean mask dramas had been performed as parts of seasonal customs and had been passed down in connection with various seasonal events, such as village rites, tug of war, torch fighting, Jisinbabgi(stepping on evil spirits), Gilnori, and Sattonoreum. However, after the Korean War, the dramas were played independently regardless of those seasonal events; thus, they have lost their original functions and meanings. After the Korean War, the lion dance in the Bukcheong lion mask play included two lions (as opposed to one lion prior to the Korean War) and the Aeonesung and Sadang dances were added. The scene in which a lion eats a child changed to a lion eating a rabbit doll. Furthermore, whereas mask types used to be diverse, they are now standardized to one type of lion mask. In the Yangju Byulsandae-nori, eight monks and Waejangnye, Aesadang appeared in 'Aesadang Bubgonori', but now the Malddugi mask character is added. Current performances omit sexually suggestive scenes. In the pre-Korean War version of the old man and old woman act, the old man sang a song to the soul of the dead woman, but now a shaman appears and performs an exorcism. In the dialogues, vulgar and sexual statements have been shortened as many audience members are women and children. Regarding the appearance of the masks, the lotus leaf, the monk with Scabies, and sannim masks have been significantly changed. Bongsantalchum has also changed, especially in the old monk act. Previously, two Somu used to appear whereas now only one appears. The scene of the shoe seller's and the monkey's departure is also different. Furthermore, while the former masks once had big eye holes on each side of the nose, now the masks have smaller holes on the eyes.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.18
• /
• pp.5-46
• /
• 2009

The origin of Korean mime is traceable to sacred actions of prehistoric age. There are materials about mime of this age in the archeological materials of this age, oral literature/myth, and written literature about this age. There were traces of the most original form of mime in primitive ritual of tribal nation age. The mimes of Samkooksidae/Tree Nation Age of Korea were presented to forms of Kamoobekhee(歌舞百戱)/Sanakbekhee(散樂百戱). We can discover traces of mime of this age in Hosunmoo(胡旋舞), Gwangsumoo(廣袖舞), Kweraehee(傀儡戱), Keeak(伎樂), Kummoo(劍舞) Muaemoo(無㝵舞), and so forth. Especially, Keeak in Beckjae was mask mime of Buddhistic contents. We can recognize that secular theatres were more diversified and strengthened than sacred thaetres in Nambukgooksidae/South-north Nation Age. According to these changes, there were many changes in the mime of this age. We can concretely find traditions of mime of this age in Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞), Hwangchanmoo(黃倡舞), Taemyun(大面), Wuljen(月顚), Sodok(束毒)', Sanyae (狻猊), and so forth. Mimes of Koreasidae/Korea Age take diverse forms of puppet play, mask play, dance play. Established traditional mimes as Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞) were widely disseminated in society. And dance plays of mime form as Hunsundo(獻仙桃), Pokurak(抛毬樂), Yunhwadae(蓮花臺)' were imported from Song Nation of China. Mime of Chosundidae/Chosun Age were developed with changes of theatre that were divided into Kyusickjeehee[規式之戲] as Kwangdae(廣大), Ser-in(西人), Joojil(注叱), Rongryung(弄鈴), Kendoo(斤頭) and Sohakjihee[笑謔之戱] as Soochuk(水尺) Sengkwangdae(僧廣大). Styles of theatre in this age were specialized into mudangkuk, Pungmoolkut, Inhyunguk/Puppet play, Talnoree/Mask paly, Pansori, Kungjoong Kamuakguk. According to this changes, mime of this age were specialized into diverse aspects. Korean mime were specialized into Kutnorum-formed mime, Inhyungnorum-formed mime, Jabsaeknorum-formed mime, Talnorum-formed mime, Kungjoongmuyong-formed mime, Pansori-formed mime, and so forth.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.69
• /
• pp.349-371
• /
• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.