• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.54-79
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• 2024

The purpose of this research is to fill the vacuum created by the tendency of bias towards China among the curators of Korean museums who plan exhibitions focusing on Balhae, and to share with researchers in the countries concerned various supplementary research materials that could deepen their understanding of the history of Balhae. These materials are based on analyses of the details of exhibitions about Balhae held in a particular Russian museum and the characteristics of and changes in the museum's operational policy. Thus, this research focuses mainly on the permanent and special exhibitions held by the Far East History Museum and Reserve, whose collection represents the archaeological achievements of Russia regarding the history of Balhae. The first part of the research focuses on the layout of the exhibitions presented by the museum and the museum's operational policy. It reveals that the museum's permanent exhibitions follow a diachronic arrangement of the local history, while the first and second special exhibitions featured exhibits that were selected from the collections of the Russian Academy of Sciences and arranged according to specific themes. It also examines the museum's policy for operating the exhibitions, focusing on the operational rules, the human resources deployed to run them, and the related educational and PR programs. The second part of the research examines such issues as local politics, economy, education and culture related to the exhibitions on Balhae's history, and connects them to the background and development of the exhibitions. This study reveals that the permanent exhibitions were intended to promote historical awareness of the local area by museum visitors, particularly those who visited the exhibitions while the city was hosting important events such as international summits. It also reveals that the museum's first special exhibition led to the promotion of Korea-Russia cooperation on exchanges in the fields of culture and tourism, whereas the second special exhibition involved no PR efforts or related events, which was probably due to the changes that have occurred in the relationship between Russia and its neighboring countries since then. The final part of the study focuses on the characteristic features of the exhibition narratives, and compares school textbooks on local history and history books for general readers with the contents of the exhibitions. The analysis of the narratives based on the development of time shows that the history of the Mohe (or Malgal) tribes has been combined with that of Balhae, while they are treated separately in school textbooks. As regards political history, the narrative was largely focused on officials in Balhae's central government rather than on Mohe warriors in the border areas. The maps of Balhae presented in the exhibitions highlight the importance of accumulating empirical data. As for the exhibition of material cultures, this study suggests that the museums should obtain more archaeological floral and faunal remains related with agriculture and hunting. It also points out that the narrative on the theme of foreign relations deals with the archaeological relics of Unified Silla together with those of the Turkic tribes. As for the theme of philosophy and culture, the narrative focused on the state ceremonies and rituals of Goguryeo, a theme that has attracted little attention among Korean academic circles and which consequently requires further study. In conclusion, this study is meaningful in that it suggests a number of research topics regarding the development of exhibitions and exhibition narratives about the history of Balhae by a prestigious Russian museum that specializes in this subject.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.163-191
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• 2017

This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.181-212
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• 2018

In 2017, the government of Duterte, in the second year of the ruling, more strongly promoted peace and order policies and expressed independent diplomacy as the chairman of ASEAN. He continued to fight against drugs and tried to increase his political legitimacy through the punishment for corrupt officials. He also declared martial law in the Mindanao region because of the dissolution of the Maute group, a Muslim terrorist organization, and strengthened counterterrorism cooperation externally. In addition, as to Communist militants, he took the initial reconciliation gesture and promoted peace negotiations, however, concluded the peace tide and started the suppression operation due to a series of bloodshed. He still has a strong drive in peace and order issues, backed up by high support rate, but it is becoming a factor of anxiety as the socioeconomically underprivileged and minority groups are increasingly alienated. As the chairman of ASEAN, Duterte has a certain distance from the United States, which is a firm ally, but has turned to increase familiarity with China and Russia, which can take substantial economic benefits. Through diversifying the external economic support and increase of tax revenue, the priority task was to establish the infrastructure. Although the Philippines, which has a high economic growth rate, has a strong expectation that it can establish a solid infrastructure, tax reforms should be successfully completed in order not to repeat the previous failures, which has traditionally increased foreign debt burden by relying on external resources. It seems that it is necessary to find the meeting point of the foreign policy of Duterte and new Korean government's New Southern Policy, and to find possible economic cooperation policies to improve Philippine infrastructure.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.363-372
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• 2002

Recently, mutual economy cooperation in Northeast Asia has leaded steady growth among main countries of it and rather promoted a single economy circle. In this region, Busan container port competes with min container ports in China, Taiwan and Japan in it for attracting transshipment container traffic of north-Shanghai in China and for-east Russia. Therefore, this paper aims to suggest competitive strategies for Busan container port to attract container traffic in Northeast Asia To do so, it evaluates the preference of important ports in the competitive situation and competitiveness edgy of important ports in Northeast Asia, and finally proposes the relative order of important factors. Based on the evaluation of it, first, the Busan ports hue tn strengthen port facilities to attract more traffic and in detail, reinforce the number of berth, yard areas and handling equipment Second, they also have to provide high quality of services to deliver cargos in time, not being damaged and swiftly response to shipowner and shipper's claim, Third, they need to review the strategy to adopt flexible tariff policy and to invest the profit from tariff in port service and facilities, as providing higher port tariff level by a regular rate.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.1-16
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• 2017

China has achieved rapid economic growth in the late 1970s with economic reform and open-door policy. China's economic growth began initially in the eastern coastal areas and from the 2000s expanded to the western and northeastern regions where the economy was relatively underdeveloped. In particular, in 2013 'One-Belt One Road' initiative proposed by Xi Jinping, the current General Secretary of the Communist Party of China is not only a key strategy for China's advancement into the world and also provides important opportunities for the development of these backward regions. Inland Port is the inland logistics hub and plays a crucial role in enhancing access to maritime ports as well as access to adjacent inland countries. Therefore, a number of inland ports have been developed and operated in order to enter into overseas markets and secure resources in the northeastern and western regions of China. This study aims to examine the role and development of inland port in 'One-Belt One Road' scheme. In conclusion, 'One-Belt One Road' will further increase the role of inland port, and in response, the development of inland port will play a pivotal role in one belt one road initiative. In this respect, Korean companies need to consider plans to participate in the development and operation of inland ports in China, which would provide opportunities to spread Northern markets including China, Russia, Central Asia, Eastern Europe.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.105-112
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• 2018

South Korea and Vietnam have been engaged in extensive political, economic and cultural exchanges since the establishment of diplomaticties in 1992. In March 2018, Moon Jae-in, President of South Korea, made an official visit to Vietnam, a key partner of the New Southern Policy and discussed comprehensive cooperation measures, including expanding trade volume and measures to establish peace on the Korean Peninsula. At the defense ministers' meeting held in April 2018, the two countries signed a joint defense and defense cooperation statement, which included promotion of maritime security, defense cooperation, UN PKO activities, excavation of remains, and joint military cooperation. Currently, Vietnam is facing territorial disputes with China over the South China Sea, and is stepping up military modernization and military buildup to counter this. In particular, Vietnam is strengthening its external military cooperation beyond ideology with the U.S., Russia, India and France to strengthen its maritime power. Against this backdrop, the bilateral cooperation between South Korea and Vietnam needs to expand beyond the traditional economic and cultural exchanges to military cooperation. The study aims to review the relationship between South Korea and Vietnam on the 26th anniversary of the normalization of diplomaticties and seek ways to develop military cooperation with Vietnam, which has grown to the next China. To that end, it analyzed Vietnam's security environment and military strategy and presented strategies for promoting military cooperation focusing on defense areas.