• 어항어장
• /
• s.107
• /
• pp.96-101
• /
• 2014

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.33-69
• /
• 2019

In this article, I would like to pay attention to the changesofShaman's play as a part of examining the process of changeofDonghaeanbyeolsingut. Currently, Shaman's play can be seeninBaekseok2-ri, Byeonggok-myeon, Yeongdeok-gun, Gugye-ri, Namjeong-myeon and Yeongdeok-gun. Among them, ShamanRitual of Baekseok2-ri is short in cycle and easy to see change. InShaman Ritual of Baekseok2-ri, various Shaman's plays suchasJungdodukjabi(중도둑잡이), Wonnimnori(원님놀이), Talgut(탈굿), Mallori(말놀이), Hotalgut(호탈굿) and Georigut(거리굿) areperformed. Shaman's play carried out in Donghaeanbyeolsingut changesevery time it is carried out. Depending on the degree of change, itcan be classified into passive change and positive change. Whilepassive changes are improvisational, aggressive changes areintentional. Shaman's plays are jungdodukjabi, Mallori, Hotalgut, which are the improvisational changes, and the intentional changesare Wonnimnori, Talgut, Georigut. The biggest change in Shaman's play is the disappearance of the Shaman Ritual. The Shaman Ritual is suspended due to lackofpeople, financial difficulties, religious conflicts or rational accidents. Secondly, the period of separation is shortened or shortened. Thiscauses Shaman's play to be dropped or shrunk to change. InShaman Ritual, changes in Shaman's play are variable andcreative. The change due to the intervention of the spectatorsismainly improvisation. On the other hand, the change bythepreliminary plan of the acquaintance is intentional, and the changeis large. The changing factors of Shaman's play are influenced bythedemands of the times and the recognition of the tradition group. Changes in the traditional environment can be attributed to lackofhuman resources, individualism, changes in the workingenvironment and time constraints. At the same time, givingautonomy to traffickers is a major reason for Shaman's playtochange.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.349-383
• /
• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.321-352
• /
• 2020

Donghaean Byeolsingut itself reflects the ideals and dreams of seaside life. Imagination and interest in water are fully reflected in Donghaean Byeolsingut as a living in a seaside town. For the beach people, water is the foundation of life and the object of fear. It is the water of life and the water of death. It projects the whole process of life into the imagination created by the world encompassed by the sea. The beach's imagination is an existential insight into the whole process of life and a reflection of existential agony. At Poongeoje, the villagers hope for a specific blessing from God. People are free only when God's retribution comes down. The villagers feel free because of the virtue of the shaman's blessing. Individual trauma is experienced to a certain extent by gaining mental freedom. It can be said that the state of aesthetic pleasure experienced by creating an art work by itself and the nature of aesthetic pleasure experienced through Pungeoje and Byeolsingut are not different. The prototype of Poongeoje is a free spirit, and a religious aesthetic to strengthen the free spirit is the core of the aesthetic.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.39
• /
• pp.393-413
• /
• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.441-471
• /
• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.