• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.139-172
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• 2023

This study aims to look into the concept of Human Mind and Moral Mind and the issue of their axiological interpretation in Daesoon Thought. In the Song dynasty, the concept of the Human Mind and Moral Mind was understood as indicating two aspects of the universal Human Mind. Discourse on this theory was undertaken by scholars such as Cheng Yichuan (程伊川), Su Shi (蘇軾), and Zhu Xi (朱熹). The differences between the Human Mind and Moral Mind were interpreted as issues of cultivation. The discussion of the Human Mind and Moral Mind were established through a systematic theory by Zhu Xi, and this developed into various forms of discourse and ideological stances thereafter. One of the most important issues of the Human Mind and Moral Mind theory was its axiological interpretation, which was divided largely into three patterns. One was to interpret the Human Mind and Moral Mind as evil and good respectively (proponents included Cheng Yichuan and Zhu Xi in his early theories), the other one saw them as value-neutral and good (proponents included Zhu Xi, Toegye 退溪, and Yulgok 栗谷), and the last one interpretation held them as pre-evil and pre-good (Dasan 茶山). As the Human Mind and Moral Mind can be seen as a universal human issue, the examination of those patterns in the Confucian tradition would be meaningful for understanding the Human Mind and Moral Mind as a theoretical base in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the Human Mind and Moral Mind are defined as private and public respectively, but no further explanation is provided regarding these items. If we infer by considering the two in the light of the overall ideology and values that Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues, the Human Mind can be said to represent basic biological desires such as clothing, food, and sexual satisfaction all of which are human vital activities needed for the preservation of the human race. The Moral Mind can be seen as a mind that is set upon practicing morality and realizing the ideological aims of 'supporting the nation and comforting the people,' 'vast saving all creatures,' and achieving 'harmony and peace for humankind.' However, the conscience and the selfish mind, which are related axiologically to the Human Mind and the Moral Mind, are defined respectively as good and evil and explained in a relatively systematic way which includes conceptual claims and details on the origin of these aspects of mind. The reason why the discussions of the conscience and selfish mind are more systematically described than the Human Mind and Moral Mind seems to be that issues relating to the conscience and selfish mind are more directly applicable to matters of religious doctrine.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.27-64
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• 2010

The main focus of this article investigates Jung's analytic implications of the Spiritual Exercises by St. Ignatius of Loyola. The Exercises is referred to not only as the tool for transformation that transformed Ignatius from a soldier of the world into a soldier of God and led him to a completely changed life but also as a tool which galvanizes self-realization, i.e., individuation process, in which a faithful experiences the presence of God in his life and is in search for himself in a new way. The interest in the Exercises regarded as a Western version of Yoga of the East which is a tool for transformation led Jung to give a series of 20 lectures on the Exercises in a seminar held in Zurich from 1939 to 1940. Curiosity about Jung's understanding on the Exercises provokes my desire to step into this research. The Exercises is a book for spiritual exercises that prepare and dispose one's soul to rid itself of all disordered attachments and to order one's life. The Exercises is made up of four Weeks. The First begins with 'Principle and Foundation' which illustrates what human beings are created for. It leads retreatants to rid themselves of disordered attachments and to have a new perspective on life by the consideration and contemplation of sins as the subversion of the Principle and Foundation. The Second is the period in which retreatants accept Christ as the Master of their lives through the meditation and contemplation of the life of Christ. In the Third, retreatants take part in the salvation history of Christ not only by actively participating in the Passion of Christ but also by incorporating the Passion into their lives. The Fourth aids retreatants to undergo their transformation and experience it deeply in order to participate in the new life of Christ who by His resurrection overcame death. In conclusion, Jung viewed the Exercises as a Western tool which plays the similar role of Yoga of the East which engenders inner transformation. The four-week-long retreat helps retreatants to meditate on God who unifies everything and is Himself/Herself the perfect union or the unity so that imperfect retreatants are given opportunities to undergo complete metamorphosis into the immortal, indivisible, and impeccable God. Jung understood that this metamorphosis leads human beings to the totality, that is, the genuine self as the image of God. The author interprets that it is the transformation that the Exercises tries to attain, which resonates with individuation, the key element of analytic psychology.

• Journal of Bio-Environment Control
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.378-385
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• 2017

In this study, we evaluated the changes of fruit quality indices during fruit development and ripening in Korean new pear cultivar 'Changjo', developed from a cross between 'Tama' and '81-1-27' ('Danbae' ${\times}$ 'Okusankichi') in 1995 and named in 2009, to determine appropriate harvest time and to enhance the market quality and broaden the cultivation area. The fruits of 'Changjo' pears harvested from 132 days after full bloom (DAFB) to 160 DAFB. Fruit growth and quality indices were monitored at 1 week interval by measuring fruit weight, length, diameter, firmness, and taste related quality indices. The calculated fruit fresh weight increased continuously with fruit development and reached to an average of 594g on Sep. 20 (160 DAFB). The ratio of length to diameter declines as fruit maturation progress, resulting in 0.898 for ripe fruit stage as a round oblate shape. Flesh firmness of 'Changjo' pears showed over 30N until 153 DAFB and then decreased abruptly with fruit ripening, reaching a final level of about 26.44N on 160 DAFB. Starch content of fruit sap was also decreased abruptly after 146 DAFB which decreased almost half of the fruits harvested at 139 DAFB. In parallel with the decrease of flesh firmness, ethanol insoluble solids (EIS) content decreased sharply with fruit ripens, only 50% of EIS was detected on the fruits harvested on 160 DAFB when compared to that of the fruits harvested on 139 DAFB (Aug. 30). The maximum value of soluble solids contents was observed in the fruits harvested on 153 DAFB, resulting in $14.2^{\circ}Brix$. The changes of skin color difference $a^*$ which means loss of green color occurred only after 139 DAFB, coincide with the decrease of SPAD value of the fruit skin. The sugars of the 80% ethanol soluble fraction consisted mainly of fructose, sorbitol, glucose and sucrose, also increased during maturation and ripening. Fructose and sucrose contents were larger than those of glucose and sorbitol in flesh tissues. These results were explained that stored starch is converted to soluble sugars during fruit maturation, mainly in fructose and sucrose increasing the sweetness of this cultivar. Total polyphenols were increased up to middle of fruit maturation (146 DAFB) and then decreased continuously until the end of fruit maturation. Consequently, our results suggested that the commercial harvest time of 'Changjo' pears should not be passed 153 DAFB and late harvest of this cultivar would not good for quality maintenance during shelf-life. As a result of the post-harvest low-temperature acclimation experiment during the short-term transportation period, fruits harvested at 146 DAFB tended to maintain higher firmness after 14 days of simulated marketing at $25^{\circ}C$ compared to fruits harvested at 153 DAFB regardless of temperature set. And, the slower the rate of decrease to the final transport temperature of $5^{\circ}C$, the higher the incidence of internal browning and ethylene production. Therefore, in order to suppress the physiological disorder and to maintain the fruit quality when exporting to Southeast Asia in the 'Chanjo' pears, it is desirable to lower the temperature of the fruits within a short time after harvest and to set the harvest time before 146 days after full bloom.

• Horticultural Science & Technology
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• v.30 no.5
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• pp.534-542
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• 2012

This study was conducted to investigate the effect of 1-methylcyclopropene (1-MCP) on fruit quality and incidence of physiological disorders for keeping freshness during marketing period in Asian pear (Pyrus pyrifolia Nakai) 'Wonhwang' and 'Whasan'. Fruits were treated with $1{\mu}L{\cdot}L^{-1}$ 1-MCP for 12 hours at $25^{\circ}C$, at two or three stages of ripeness as determined by days after full bloom (DAFB). Fruits were harvested at 130 and 140 DAFB in early season cultivar 'Wonhwang' and 135, 145, and 150 DAFB in mid-season cultivar 'Whasan', respectively. Fruits were stored at $25^{\circ}C$ for 21 days and measured the flesh firmness, weight loss, soluble solids, acidity, ethylene, respiration and severity of physiological disorders at week interval. 1-MCP treatment to 'Wonhwang' pears harvested at 130 and 140 DAFB effectively delayed firmness loss during storage at $25^{\circ}C$. Untreated fruits of 'Wonhwang' pears harvested at 130 DAFB showed 32.3 and 10.1N of firmness after 14 and 21 days of shelf-life at $25^{\circ}C$, respectively, while those of the 1-MCP treated fruits showed 39.4 and 33.1N during same period. In the fruits harvested at 140 DAFB, the firmness of untreated fruit was lowered to 14.8 and 6.6N after 14 and 21 days, respectively, but those of 1-MCP treated fruit were 35.0 and 33.3N, respectively. Whereas, 1-MCP treatment delayed firmness loss only in the fruit harvested late (150 DAFB) in 'Whasan' pears. Higher soluble solids content and acidity during extended shelf-life were apparent in 1-MCP treated 'Wonhwang' pears, while those of 'Whasan' pears were little changed. 'Wonhwang' pears showed a relatively high ethylene production (maximum $0.58{\mu}l{\cdot}L^{-1}$) in the fruits harvested late than early harvested one. 'Whasan' pears showed little amount of ethylene production regardless of extended shelf-life. 1-MCP treatment to 'Wonhwang' pears decreased respiration rate following shelf-life, 42 and 50% reduction were observed at 14 days of shelf-life when compared with those of untreated ones harvested at 130 and 140 DAFB, respectively. No reduction of respiration rate by the treatment of 1-MCP was detected in 'Whasan' pears which showed considerably low respiration rate compared with 'Wonhwang' pears. Harvest time influenced the level of physiological disorders together with extension of shelf-life in both the cultivars. 1-MCP treatment completely blocked the incidence of internal browning of 'Wonhwang' pears harvested at 130 DAFB, and reduced the incidences of pithiness and core browning, while it promoted the flesh spot decay disorder regardless of harvest time. 1-MCP treatment was of little benefit for the prevention of physiological disorders in 'Whasan' pears compared with those of 'Wonhwang'.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.30
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• pp.263-300
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• 2009

Adoration for nature constitutes one of the primary subjects that literature has tackled since the origin of human history. Nature expressed through a poet's subjective imagination is the internalized and reorganized nature. This study examines the view on nature enacted in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems (sijo) in light of the traditional views on nature implicated in the ancient three-verse poems (koshijo), which is in line with the long-established Oriental view on nature. To dignitaris(sadaebu) in the Chosun Dynasty, nature appeared as the idealistic subject for moral culture ($shims{\breve{o}}ngsuyang$), which also becomes the literary space where the purity and justice of the world view of Neo-Confucianism(Sungrihak) is contained in the form of the three-verse poem, the lyrical poetic space where the "I" is united with nature by way of "enjoying of wind and moon"($umpungnongw{\breve{o}}i$) and "living in quiet retiremen"($yuyuchaj{\breve{o}}k$), and the object for the poetical perception of the surrounding world. Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse odes are found in Reed pipe ($Ch'oj{\breve{o}}k$), Sixty Five Pieces of Three-Verse Odes (Samhaengshi-$yukshipopy{\breve{o}}n$), Autumn Fragrance ($Hyangginam{\check{u}}n-ga{\check{u}}l$), and The Words of Zelko va Tree ($N{\check{u}}tinamu{\check{u}}i-mal$). This study analyzes 212 pieces of Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse poems chosen from theses books. In Ch'o-Jung's poems, the traditional view on nature expressed in the ancient three-verse poems is rendered in such a way that metaphysical understanding of nature is indirectly transmitted through the objective correlatives found nature. Nature is no longer the object of straightforward utterance, but transformed, displaced, and removed: that way, nature gets objectified to form a complicated and multi-layered structure. In conclusion, the view on nature manifested in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems is based on traditional metaphysics. Second, nature is the object of lyrical nostalgia and adoration. Third, nature is imbued with the fundamental affection for parents. Fourth, nature is associated with organic life. Fifth, the nature in Ch'o-Jung's poems reveals the beauty of stillness endorsed in Lao-tse's and Chung-tze's philosophy. And last, nature is the agent for self-realization and meditation.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.142-171
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• 2019

The dragon is an imaginary animal that appears in the legends and myths of the Orient and the West. While dragons have mostly been portrayed as aggressive and as bad omens in the West, in the Orient, as they symbolize the emperor or have an auspicious meaning, dragons signify a positive meaning. In addition, as the dragon symbolizes the emperor and its type has been diversified considering it as a divine object that controls water, people have tried to express it as a figure. The records related to dragons in the Goryeo dynasty appeared with diverse topics in 'History of Goryeo' and are generally contents related to founding myths, rituals for rain, and Shinii (神異), etc. The founding myth emphasizes the legality of the Goryeo dynasty through the dragon, and this influenced the formation of the dragon's descendants. In addition, the ability to control water, which is a characteristic of the dragon, was symbolized as an earth dragon related to the rainmaking ritual, i.e., wishing for rain during times of drought. Since the dragon was the symbol of the royal family, the use of the dragon by common people was strictly restricted. Furthermore, the association of a bronze dragon mirror with the royal family is hard to be excluded. The type and quantity of bronze double dragon mirrors discovered to have existed during the Goryeo dynasty is great, and the production and the distribution of bronze mirrors with double dragons seem to have been more active compared to other bronze mirrors, as bronze mirrors with double dragons produced during Goryeo and bronze mirrors originating in China were mixed. Therefore, in this article, the characteristics of diverse bronze mirrors from the 10th century to the 14th century in China were examined. It seems that the master craftsmen who produced bronze mirrors with double dragons during the Goryeo dynasty were influenced by Chinese composition patterns when making the mirrors. Because there were many cases where a bronze mirror's country of origin could not easily be determined, in order to identify the differences between bronze double dragon mirrors produced during the Goryeo dynasty and bronze mirrors produced in China, meticulous analysis was required. Thus, to ascertain that Goryeo mirrors were not imitations of bronze mirrors with double dragons originating in China but produced independently, the mirrors were examined using the bronze double dragon mirror type classification system existing in our country. Bronze mirrors with double dragons are classified into three types: Type I, which has the style of the Yao dynasty, includes the greatest proportion; however, despite there being only a small quantity for comparison, Types II and III were selected for the analysis of the bronze mirrors with double dragons made in Goryeo because they have unique composition patterns. As mentioned above, distinguishing bronze mirrors made during Goryeo from bronze mirrors made in China is challenging because Goryeo bronze mirrors were made under the influence of China. Among them, since the manufacturing place of the bronze mirrors with double dragons found at the nine-story stone pagoda in Woljeongsa Temple in Pyeongchang is questionable and the composition pattern of the bronze mirror is hard to find on bronze mirrors with double dragons made in China, the manufacturing place of those bronze mirrors were examined. These bronze mirrors with double dragons were considered as bronze mirrors with double dragons made during the Goryeo dynasty adopting the Yao dynasty style composition pattern as aspects of the composition pattern belonged to Type I, and the detailed combination of patterns is hard to find in mirrors produced in China.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.386-408
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• 1988

A study was conducted to develop a model for estimating evapotranspiration and yield of Chinese cabbages from meteorological factors from 1981 to 1986 in Suweon, Korea. Lysimeters with water table maintained at 50cm depth were used to measure the potential evapotranspiration and the maximum evapotranspiration in situ. The actual evapotranspiration and the yield were measured in the field plots irrigated with different soil moisture regimes of -0.2, -0.5, and -1.0 bars, respectively. The soil water content throughout the profile was monitored by a neutron moisture depth gauge and the soil water potentials were measured using gypsum block and tensiometer. The fresh weight of Chinese cabbages at harvest was measured as yield. The data collected in situ were analyzed to obtain parameters related to modeling. The results were summarized as followings: 1. The 5-year mean of potential evapotranspiration (PET) gradually increased from 2.38 mm/day in early April to 3.98 mm/day in mid-June, and thereafter, decreased to 1.06 mm/day in mid-November. The estimated PET by Penman, Radiation or Blanney-Criddle methods were overestimated in comparison with the measured PET, while those by Pan-evaporation method were underestimated. The correlation between the estimated and the measured PET, however, showed high significance except for July and August by Blanney-Criddle method, which implied that the coefficients should be adjusted to the Korean conditions. 2. The meteorological factors which showed hgih correlation with the measured PET were temperature, vapour pressure deficit, sunshine hours, solar radiation and pan-evaporation. Several multiple regression equations using meteorological factors were formulated to estimate PET. The equation with pan-evaporation (Eo) was the simplest but highly accurate. PET = 0.712 + 0.705Eo 3. The crop coefficient of Chinese cabbages (Kc), the ratio of the maximum evapotranspiration (ETm) to PET, ranged from 0.5 to 0.7 at early growth stage and from 0.9 to 1.2 at mid and late growth stages. The regression equation with respect to the growth progress degree (G), ranging from 0.0 at transplanting day to 1.0 at the harvesting day, were: $$Kc=0.598+0.959G-0.501G^2$$ for spring cabbages $$Kc=0.402+1.887G-1.432G^2$$ for autumn cabbages 4. The soil factor (Kf), the ratio of the actual evapotranspiration to the maximum evapotranspiration, showed 1.0 when the available soil water fraction (f) was higher than a threshold value (fp) and decreased linearly with decreasing f below fp. The relationships were: Kf=1.0 for $$f{\geq}fp$$ Kf=a+bf for f$$I{\leq}Esm$$ Es = Esm for I > Esm 6. The model for estimating actual evapotranspiration (ETa) was based on the water balance neglecting capillary rise as: ETa=PET. Kc. Kf+Es 7. The model for estimating relative yield (Y/Ym) was selected among the regression equations with the measured ETa as: Y/Ym=a+bln(ETa) The coefficients and b were 0.07 and 0.73 for spring Chinese cabbages and 0.37 and 0.66 for autumn Chinese cabbages, respectively. 8. The estimated ETa and Y/Ym were compared with the measured values to verify the model established above. The estimated ETa showed disparities within 0.29mm/day for spring Chinese cabbages and 0.19mm/day for autumn Chinese cabbages. The average deviation of the estimated relative yield were 0.14 and 0.09, respectively. 9. The deviations between the estimated values by the model and the actual values obtained from three cropping field experiments after the completion of the model calibration were within reasonable confidence range. Therefore, this model was validated to be used in practical purpose.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.13-47
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• 1975

Among the many species of bamboo, it is well known that the dwarf-type is widely distributed in the tropical regions, and the slender type in temperated zone. In the temperated zone the trees have extensively differentiated into one hundred species in 50 genera. In many oriental countries, the bamboo wood is being used as a material for construction and for the manufacture of technical instruments. The bamboo shoot is also regarded as a good and delicious edible resource. Moreover, recent medical investigation verifies that the sap of certain species of the bamboo is an antibiotic effect against cancer. Fortunately, it is very easy to propagate the bamboo trees by using cutting from southeastern Asian countries. This important resource can further be used as a significant source of pulp, which is becoming increasingly important. The classification system of this significant resource has not been completely established to date, even though its importance has been emphasized. Initiated by Canlevon Linne in the 18th century, a classification method concerning the morphological characteristics of flowers was the first step in developing a classification. But it was not an easy task to accomplish, because this type of classification system is based on the sexual organs in bamboo trees. Because the bamboo has a long life cycle of 60-120 years and classification according to this method was very difficult as the materials for the classification are not abundant and some species have changed, even though many references related to the morphological classification of bamboo trees are available nowadays. So, the certification of bamboo trees according to the morphological classification system is not reasonable for us. Consequently, the classification system of bamboo trees on the basis of endomorphological characteristics was initiated by Chinese-born Liese. And classification method based on the morphological characteristics of the vascular bundle was developed by Grosser. These classification methods are fundamentally related to Holltum's classification method, which stressed the morphology of the ovary. The author investigated to re-establish a new classification method based on the vascular sheath. Twenty-six species in 11 genera which originated from Formosa where used in the study. The results obtained from the investigation were somewhat coordinated with those of Crosser. Many difficulties were found in distinguishing the species of Bambusa and Dendrocalamus. These two species were critically differentiated under the new classification system, which is based on the existence of a separated vascular bundle sheath in the bamboo. According to these results, it is recommended that Babusa divided into two groups by placing it into either subspecies or the lower categories. This recommendation is supported by the observation that the evolutional pattern of the bamboo thunk which is from outward to inward. It is also supported by the viewpoint that the fundamental hypothesis in evolution is from simple to complex. There remained many problems to be solved through more critical examination by comparing the results to those of the classification based on the sexual organs method. The author observed the figure of the cross-sectional area of vascular trunk of bamboo tree and compared the results with those of Grosser and Liese, i.e. A, $B_1$, $B_2$, C, and D groups in classification. Group A and $B_2$ were in accordance with the results of those scholars, while group D showed many differences, Grosser and Liese divided bamboo into "g" type and "h" type according to the vascular bundle type; and they included Dendrocalamus and Bambusa in Group D without considering the type of vascular bundle sheath. However, the results obtained by the author showed that Dendrocalamus and Bambusa are differentiated from each other. By considering another group, "i" identified according to the existence of separated vascular bundle sheath. Bambusa showed to have a separated vascular bundle sheath while Dendrocalamus does not have a separated vascular bundle sheath. Moreover, Bambusa showed peculiar characteristics in the figure of vascular development, i.e., one with an inward vascular bundle sheath and the other with a bivascular bundle sheath (inward and outward). In conclusion, the bamboo species used in this experiment were classified in group D, without any separated vascular bundle sheath, and in group E, with a vascular bundle sheath. Group E was divided into two groups, i.e., and group $E_1$, with bivascular sheath, and group $E_2$, with only an inward vascular sheath. Therefore, the Bambusa in group D as described by Grosser and Liese was included in group E. Dendrocalamus seemed to be the middle group between group $E_l$ and group $E_2$ under this classification system which is summarized as follows: Phyllostachys-type: Group A - Phyllostachys, Chymonobambus, Arundinaria, Pseudosasa, Pleioblastus, Yashania Pome-type: Group $B_2$ - Schizostachyum, Melocanna Hemp-type: Group D - Dendrocalamu Bambu-type: Group $E_1$ - Bambusa ghi.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.226-241
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• 2020

Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.