• Journal of the Society of Cosmetic Scientists of Korea
• /
• v.32 no.1 s.55
• /
• pp.59-64
• /
• 2006

Crinum asiaticum Linne var. japonicum has long been used as a rheumatic remedy, an anti-pyretic, an anti-ulcer treatment, and for the alleviation of local pain and fever in Korea and Malaysia. In order to investigate the possibility of Crinum asiaticum Linne var. japonicum extract as a cosmetic ingredient, we measured its anti-inflammatory effect by inhibition of iNOS (inducible nitric oxide synthase), and the release of PGE2, IL-6, and IL-8. HPLC experiment after extraction with 95% ethanol at pH 3.5 showed that Crinum asiaticum Linne var. japonicum was mainly composed of lycorine (up to 1%), a well-known immunosuppressant. The content of lycorine varied depending on the type of tissue analyzed and the extraction method. In anti-inflammatory assay for inhibition of nitric oxide formation on lipopolysaccharide (LPS)- activated mouse macrophage RAW 264.7 cells, the ethanolic extract of Crinum asiaticum showed inhibitory activity of NO production in dose-dependent manner ($IC_{50} = 83.5 {\mu}g/mL$). Additional study by RT-PCR demonstrated that the extract of Crinum asiaticum significantly suppressed the expression of the iNOS gene. Moreover, the extract of Crinum asiaticum did not show my cytotoxicity, but did show cell proliferation effect against LPS ($10{\sim}60%$ increase of tell viability). In an assay to determine inhibition of the $H_2O_2$-activated release of PGE2, IL-6, and IL-8 in human normal fibroblast cell lines, the release of PGE2 and IL-6 was almost completely inhibited above concentrations of 0.05% and 1%, respectively. Moreover, the release of IL-8 was completely inhibited over the entire range of concentrations (> 0.0025%). The result showed that the extract of Crinum asiaticum Linne var. japonicum has sufficient anti-inflammatory effect. There-fore, Crinum asiaticum Linne var. japonicum extract may be useful as an ingredient of cosmetic products.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.129-137
• /
• 2008

Alien apple snails (Pomacea canaliculata, Pomacea insularus) used in environmentally-friendly agriculture are different from indigenous snails found in Korea. Due to high herbicidal effects and cost-effectiveness, the number of farmers using the snails has been growing every year since 2000. Moreover, in 2008, because of the outbreaks of avian influenza throughout the country from March to May, 2008, central and local governments recommended the use of alien apple snails in agriculture as an alternative to the ducks-oriented environmentally-friendly agriculture. Therefore, it is expected that the use of alien apple snails in agriculture should be expanded in a near future. Since alien apple snails lay eggs with 95.8% of eclosion rate, they are considered to be potential pests unlike indigenous snails. In addition, Japan, Taiwan and most of the southeast Asian countries had already experienced severe ecological and agricultural damage by the alien apple snails. Subsequently, International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) designated P. canaliculata as one of "the 100 of the world's worst invasive alien species". It seems highly likely that the alien apple snails in Korea pose a potential threat to conservation of ecosystem and biodiversity since the snails were either found or invaded into the natural environments in some regions of Gangwon-Do and southern parts of Korean Peninsula. However, just recently, agricultural authorities and farmers using alien apple snails in agriculture opposed a proposition of designating the alien apple snails as an ecosystem-disturbing animal described by the Wildlife Protection Act. This is because there has been no concrete evidence of the ecological risk imposed by the alien snails up to now in Korea. Subsequently, in this paper, we analysed the ecological and agricultural risks imposed by the alien snails from the studies done in domestic and abroad. In addition, we proposed an urgent need and reasoning for ecological risk management of the alien snails at the national level as well as using the snails in agriculture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.3
• /
• pp.164-183
• /
• 2020

In the textile culture of the Joseon Dynasty, the historic record of Banpo is fragmentary and contains many missing details. The main reason is a lack of associated literature, and it is also significant that the actual substance used is not clear at present. Banpo is a kind of cotton, but this has not been confirmed in the traditional textiles that are currently handed down. The word Ban [斑] in Banpo means "stain", and the letter Po [布] means "fabric". At the border of white discourse, Banpo did not receive attention as a research topic. This study is an attempt to restore some of the textile culture of the Joseon Dynasty through Banpo. Banpo is not just limited to the Joseon Dynasty; it is an important material for examining the development of textile culture and exchange in East Asia. This study was broadly divided into three parts. First, the record and meaning of Banpo during the Joseon Dynasty were examined. Records of Banpo can be seen from the early Joseon period during King Sejo and Seongjong, and the production and actual use of Banpo have been confirmed. Banpo was maintained until the beginning of the 20^th century, but is no longer observed. Banpo is a woven fabric made of cotton yarn dyed in many colors and has appeared in Southeast Asia since ancient times. In East Asia, there are other fabrics similar to Banpo, such as Ho [縞], Sum [纖], and Chim [綅]. In particular, the correlation between Banpo and Ho is an important link in understanding Banpo in the Joseon Dynasty. Second, the meaning of Banpo was examined from various angles through comprehensive analysis of Chinese and Japanese literature records and cases. The appearance and development of Banpo moved in sync with the period when cotton was introduced into East Asia. In East Asia, cotton was introduced and produced in earnest from the end of the Song Dynasty to the beginning of the Yuan Dynasty, and the meaning of Banpo was diversified. In China, the name of Banpo was changed to Hwapo [花布], Gizapo [碁子布], Gizahwapo [棋子花布], etc. Japan was late to introduce cotton and developed it in acceptance of the changed meaning. In Japan, use of the name Banpo is not on record, but a Ryujo [柳條] fabric of the same type as banpo has been identified. This Ryujo is the same concept as Ho and Hwapo, and later merged into Ho. Names such as Ho, Hwapo, Banpo, etc. were used differently in each country, but the form was shared across East Asia. Third, based on the meaning of Banpo shared in East Asia, the format of Banpo in the Joseon Dynasty was classified. The format of Banpo in the Joseon Dynasty can be divided into grid and striped versions. The name Banpo disappeared over time, but the form remained and was passed down until recently. I hope that this study will help restore Banpo in the future.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.20
• /
• pp.339-363
• /
• 2009

The 9.11 demonstrated that terrorist attack could be more serious problem than the war in our modern life. No countries in the world have evaded being a target for terrorists today. As well as South Korea, the whole world must share attentions and responsibilities for fighting against the terrorism. Since the international terrorist groups have expanded their targets from Western countries to Koreans, civilian hostages are no longer other's affair; it became a serious threat to public. Increased Korean investment, trade, missionary, and travel overseas also expanded activity regions worldwide. It also result increased terrorist threats and possible abduction. The number of kidnapping crisis has increased since the terrorists use it as an effective method of sending a message. Piracy refers to a broad range of violent acts at sea, and has traditionally been regarded as common enemies. Piracy constitutes a great threat to the security of navigation as well as to the safety of vessels and crews. Lessons from hostage issues such as Korean hostage crisis in Somalia and Afghanistan show that it can cause criticism on moral issues if armed rescue missions fail or hostages are killed, so the governments and related corporations try to solve it by paying ransom. Terrorists and use these advantages in order to put a huge pressure on the governments. In this study we will look at essential characteristics and types of hostage abductions and recognition of national safety, lessons and solutions to previous Korean hostage cases in overseas. At the same time, it provides a guidelines of the direction in the fighting against terrorist groups and Piracy.

• Korean Journal of Microbiology
• /
• v.46 no.2
• /
• pp.140-147
• /
• 2010

Japanese encephalitis virus (JEV), a member of the mosquito-borne flaviviruses, causes epidemics of viral encephalitis in the Southeastern Asia. JEV is a small enveloped virus with a positive-sense RNA genome; the infectious virion consists of three structural proteins, namely capsid, membrane (M; a mature form of its prM precursor), and envelope proteins. Here, we investigated a role of the charged residues found at the N-terminus of the JEV M protein in virus production. Using an infectious JEV cDNA, we generated two mutant cDNAs, Mm1 and Mm2, by charged-to-alanine substitution for $E^9$ and $K^{15}K^{16}E^{17}$ residues of the M protein, respectively. By transfection of wild-type or each of the two mutant RNAs transcribed from the corresponding cDNAs, we found that Mm2, but not Mm1, had a ~3-log decrease in virus production, even though a comparable amount of all three structural proteins were produced in transfected cells. Interestingly, the prM protein expressed in Mm2 RNA-transfected cells was not recognized by the polyclonal antiserum raised against the N-terminal 44 amino acids of the wild type M protein, but reacted to the antiserum raised against the corresponding region of the mutant Mm2. Our results indicate that three charged residues ($K^{15}K^{16}E^{17}$) in JEV M protein play a role in virus production. Two polyclonal antisera specifically recognizing the wild-type or Mm2 version of the M protein would provide a useful reagent for the functional study of this protein in the virus life cycle.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
• /
• v.16 no.2 s.48
• /
• pp.82-99
• /
• 2007

The Paleogene dikes intruding into the late Cretaceous granodiorite are pervasively observed in the Irun-myeon, eastern Geoje Island. They are classified into three groups: NW-trending acidic dike swarm and WNW- (A-Group) and $NS{\sim}NNE-trending$ (B-Group) basic dike swarms. Based on their cross-cutting relationships, the earliest is the acidic dike group and fellowed by A- and B-Groups in succession. The acidic dikes seem to have intruded into tension gashes induced by the sinistral strike-slip faulting of the Yangsan fault system during the late $Cretaceous{\sim}early$ Paleogene. In terms of rock-type, orientation, age, and geochemistry, A-Group and B-Group are intimately correlated with the intermediate and basic dike swarms in the Gyeongju-Gampo area, respectively. These results significantly suggest that the corresponding dike swarms are genetically related. Based on the K-Ar and Ar-Ar age data, A- and B- Groups were intruded during $64{\sim}52\;Ma$ and $51{\sim}44\;Ma$, respectively. The result means that the direction of tensional stress in and around the SE Korean peninsula was changed abruptly from NNE-SSW to $EW{\sim}WNW-ESE$ at about 51 Ma. Considering the tectonic environments during the Paleogene, it is interpreted that A-Group was injected along the WNW-trending tensional fractures developed under an regional sinistral simple shear regime which was caused by the north-northwestward oblique subduction of the Pacific plate beneath the Eurasian plate. Meanwhile, the regional stress caused by the collision of India and Eurasia continents at about 55 Ma was likely propagated to the East Asia at about 51 Ma, and then the East Asia including the Korean peninsula was extruded eastwards as a trench-rollback and the dip of downgoing slab of the Pacific plate was abruptly steepened. As a result, the strong suction-force along the plate boundary produced a tensional stress field trending EW or WNW-ESE in and around the Korean peninsula, which resultantly induced B-Group to intrude passively into the study area.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Navigation and Port Research Conference
• /
• 2003.05a
• /
• pp.273-280
• /
• 2003

The purpose of this study is to identify and evaluate the competitiveness of ports in ASEAN(Association of Southeast Asian Nations), which plays a leading role in basing the hub of international logistics strategies as a countermeasure in changes of international logistics environments. This region represents most severe competition among Mega hub ports in the world in terms of container cargo throughput at the onset of the 21 st century. The research method in this study accounted for overlapping between attributes, and introduced the HFP method that can perform mathematical operations. The scope of this study was strictly confined to the ports of ASEAN. which cover the top 100 of 350 container ports that were presented in Containerization International Yearbook 2002 with reference to container throughput. The results of this study show Singapore in the number one position. Even compared with major ports in Korea (after getting comparative ratings and applying the same data and evaluation structure), the number one position still goes to Singapore and then Busan(2) and Manila(2), followed by Port Klang(4), Tanjugn Priok(5), Tanjung Perak(6), Bangkok(7), Inchon(8), Laem Chabang(9) and Penang(9). In terms of the main contributions of this study, it is the first empirical study to apply the combined attributes of detailed and representative attributes into the advanced HFP model which was enhanced by the KJ method to evaluate the port competitiveness in ASEAN. Up-to-now, none have comprehensively conducted researches with sophisticated port methodology that has discussed a variety of changes in port development and terminal transfers of major shipping lines. Moreover, through the comparative evaluation between major ports in Korea and ASEAN, the presentation of comparative competitiveness for Korea ports is a great achievement in this study. In order to reinforce this study, it needs further compensative research, including cost factors which could not be applied to modeling the subject ports by lack of consistently qualified in ASEAN.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Building Construction
• /
• v.20 no.6
• /
• pp.489-495
• /
• 2020

Whereas the control of the hydration heat in mass concrete has been important as the concrete structures enlarge, many conventional strategies show some limitations in their effectiveness and practicality. Therefore, In this study, as a solution of controling the heat of hydration of mass concrete, a method to reduce the heat of hydration by controlling the hardening of cement was examined. The reduction of the hydration heat by the developed Phosphate Inorganic Salt was basically verified in the insulated boxes filled with binder paste or concrete mixture. That is, the effects of the Phosphate Inorganic Salt on the hydration heat, flow or slump, and compressive strength were analyzed in binary and ternary blended cement which is generally used for low heat. As a result, the internal maximum temperature rise induced by the hydration heat was decreased by 9.5~10.6% and 10.1~11.7% for binder paste and concrete mixed with the Phosphate Inorganic Salt, respectively. Besides, the delay of the time corresponding to the peak temperature was apparently observed, which is beneficial to the emission of the internal hydration heat in real structures. The Phosphate Inorganic Salt that was developed and verified by a series of the aforementioned experiments showed better performance than the existing ones in terms of the control of the hydration heat and other performance. It can be used for the purpose of hydration heat of mass concrete in the future.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.3
• /
• pp.213-261
• /
• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.1
• /
• pp.21-51
• /
• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.