• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.130-153
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine how the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$, a prevailing newspaper in Korea, has constructed 5.18 discourse. In the last thirty years or so in Korea, '5.18(the Gwangju Democratization Movement)', in both academic and social realm, has been one of the most disputed issues in the process of political change. However, little attention has been given to this topic in the field of communication study. Thus, we attempted to illuminate the construction of 5.18 dicourse by using terms analysis and discourse analysis of editorials during the period of May 18, 1980-December 31, 2010. From the study, it is found that the use of terms has changed from 'crisis' through 'resistance', 'slaughter', 'revolt' to 'democratization movement' in the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. And it is also found that 5.18 discourse has been developed in the order of 'tragic incident discourse', 'truth investigation discourse', 'rehabilitation discourse', 'deferment discourse', 'punishment discourse', 'political strife discourse' in the editorials of the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. These shifts of terms and discourse have been mostly led by socio-political changes. Based on the research results, the central characteristics of 5.18 discourse of the Korean mainstream press were elaborated and the implications of the results were discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.73-103
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• 2017

With the introduction and expansion of 'maker movement', maker culture captured attention and saw itself as an emerging culture. This study aims to analyze published books, policy report, columns and news articles related to maker culture through the perspective of critical discourse analysis. Maker movement led by the government gives meaning to the maker culture as the force of 'creative economy' that can overcome the economic crisis. Following this meaning making, one-man digital fabrication start-ups have been actively promoted by government policies. In the case of Seoul, it criticizes government led maker movement that only focuses on economy and institutionalizes maker movement by focusing on the maker culture's aspect as 'digital social innovation' that can resolve social problems. In the world of art, it tries to rediscover the value craft, that is, 'creative craftsman'. Moreover, resistance movement that tries to fight against dominant technology structure through constructing 'critical making' was also spotted. Nonetheless, it is rather untimely to definitely find dominant discourse's power effect in reality and sign of rupture in dominant structure as the result of resisting discourse's struggle. Thus, maker movement is the field of struggle where an ongoing clash can be found: between discourse strategy that tries to make maker culture a social or economic asset by combining with dominant power structure, and alternating or resisting practice of signification that focuses on its cultural techno-political potential.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.122
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• pp.85-134
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• 2018

In this article, I will provide a philosophical discourse on digital sexual violence that is a technological version of male violence. First, critical analysis of the mechanism of the spatiality and the temporality of the hidden and illicit camera is developed to focus on the immeasurable damage of this violence. I elaborate a notional division between digital sexual violence and cyber sexual violence. Secondly, the ease of taking images of women's bodies and the rapid transmission of these images through the advancement of digital communication technology and hyperconnectivity, lead to use these images as a new digital monet for men. They consolidate their male solidarity by reaffirming female inferiority and humiliating women. Thirdly, the invention of the structure of the new affect to resist to digital sexual violence is crucial. For that, it would be necessary to pass from the sexual shame to the sexual displeasure and to the socio-political indignation. These would create another opportunity to resist to digital sexual violence.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.31-66
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• 2011

The main issue in Korean debates over genetically modified (GM) foods have been government's responsibility to guarantee consumers' right-to-know and make informed choice. Counter-experts' critique over the current regulatory processes based upon substantial equivalence have not been widely publicized. Through interviews and textual analysis, this paper explored three groups' performances in Korean GM food controversies-regulatory scientists, civil society organizations, and counter-experts. Analytic focus was made upon how each of the groups interact with current GM food regulations. While making conflicts with regulatory scientists and their 'discourse of compliance with global standards,' counter-experts were excluded from regulatory processes. This article suggests that the processes and contexts in which counter-experts failed to form strong alliance with other groups need to be examined in order to further understand the specific contours of Korean GM food controversies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.255-288
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• 2016

Korean mass media has represented foreigners in their documentaries, entertainment shows, situational comedies, and dramas for long time, while the representations created plenty of controversies. Alleged West-oriented racism found from various televison programs may be one of them. Recently, however, more Korean television shows began to incorporate the ideas of multi-culturalism. This paper is an attempt to explore how television audiences interpret multi-culturalism reflected in the media. More specifically, this is a case study of JTBC's , a show featuring foreigners debating on various topics regarding Korean culture. Particularly, it focuses on disputes over the producers' decision to play 'Kimigayo' (the national anthem of Japan, which is also considered as a symbol of Japanese militaristic past) when introduced a new Japanese panel. Critical discourse analysis was adoped as the main research method, and researchers found that audiences draw certain guidelines in accepting multi-cultural aspects. If and when these aspects overstep the line, they tend to abandon it without hesitance. In the case of 'Kimigayo,' it was ethno-centrism and/or anti-Japanes sentiments which made multi-culturalsim much weaker. It does not mean that multi-culturalism was replaced-or defeated-by nationalism, but show the 'vulnerability' of multi-culturalsim. Multi-culturalism is not as concretely rooted in Korean society as many people have claimed or hoped. The research has its own limitations as a case study, but it is hoped to stimulate other researchers to keep their eyes on media and multi-culturalsim in Korea.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.7
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• pp.84-94
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• 2018

This study analyzed domestic media articles from 1920 to 2017 using R 3.4, a big data analysis tool. In addition, it examines the sexual minority discourse reproduced through the media for about 100 years, focused on the role of the film as an art of struggling with the projective aversion to sexual minorities. sexual minorities in movies are not abominable. They are people we already know in our daily lives, and they are just different in sexual orientation. In general, sexual minorities are less likely to encounter in everyday life, so they are experienced and perceived through what the media present. It is noteworthy that the representation of sexual minorities in the media is formed as a major agenda of our society by publicizing the problems underlying society on the surface. It causes social issues to be raised by revealing and highlighting the problems that are regarded as alienated and avoided from the mainstream's gaze. The content provided by the media enables a three-dimensional experience of subjects who have not experienced it by themselves, and has a decisive influence in correctly recognizing and judging society. Media content suggests that it can be a powerful weapon of recognition struggle that can naturally fight against social hatred without using methods such as demonstrations or protests.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.1
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• pp.275-300
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• 2007

This study explores the trends and implications of social welfare qualitative research in Korea. The results are follows. At present, social welfare qualitative research is entering in the quickening period. The characteristics of configuration of social welfare qualitative research in Korea are overwhelming inferiority in post-positivism and heuristics, wide differences between universities in metropolitan area and in local area at the aspect of amounts of qualitative research products, rapid increase in the interests of qualitative research in doctoral candidates, and distinguishment of doctoral candidates as a leader group in qualitative research. The results of critics of qualitative researches are follow: 1) initiative of naturalistic interpretism 2) inclination of methodicism 3) poorness of critical themes 4) propensity in grounded theory. These trends of social welfare qualitative research in Korea, in spite of the limits, have various implications: 1) Trying to critics of social welfare knowledge based on positivism and formation of opposing discourse to positivism 2) diversification in paradigm of inquiry 3) spread of narrative thinking of social welfare phenomenon.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.261-267
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• 2021

The enlightenment project raised in both Korea and China during the modern period worked as a part of the patriotic enlightenment movement against the imperial powers. Among them, "boy" appeared as the subject of enlightenment, and "sea" appeared as a medium. Specifically, through "Boy Discourse," Liang Qi Chao ultimately envisioned a nation for "subjects", and Choi Nam-seon also seeked to overcome the national crisis as "New Korea" and join the ranks of powerful nations. Liang Qiqiao proposes the concept of a "Boy Nation" and an "Old Nation" through boy discourse, and wishing for the development of the "Boy Nation" through "proficiency training". Choi Nam-seon also recognized that the future of the nation depends on "boys", influenced by Liang Qi-qiao's discourse on boys, and argues that Choseon should cultivate skills to become a "Boy Nation". In addition, Liang Qi-chao and Choi Nam-seon actively spread the "boy discourse" through the creation of poetry. Liang Qi Chao introduced the world's geography and history through poetries related to the sea, while at the same time inspiring a sense of challenge to recognize and pioneer the sea as a pathway that connects the world in a broad sense. Namseon Choi also created a poem that directly linked "the sea" and the "boy" to promote the "adventure at sea" and "the progressive spirit of the sea and the boy".