• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.217-247
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• 2019

This research paper intends to examine the intertextuality of Klaus Mann's novel Mephisto (1936) and István Szabó's film Mephisto (1981) and how the derivative contents (i.e., film) accepted and improved the schematic aesthetics of conviction in original contents (i.e., novel). In general, the aesthetics of conviction is applied to criticize the state socialism of the artists of the Third Reich or the ideology of the artists of East Germany from a biased ethical perspective. Mephisto is also based on the aesthetics of conviction. Thus, it would be meaningful to examine the characteristic similarity and difference between Klaus Mann's real antagonist (i.e., Gustaf Gründgens) and fictional antagonist (i.e., Hendrik Höfgen) from a historical critical perspective. In this process, an aesthetic distance between the real and fictional antagonists would be secured through the internal criticism in terms of intertextuality. In this respect, the film aesthetics of István Szabó are deemed to overcome the schematic limit of the original novel. The conviction in both the novel and film of Mephisto pertains to the belief and stance of a person who compromised with the state socialism of Nazi Germany, i.e., succumbed to the irresistible history. Klaus Mann denounced Mephisto's character Höfgen (i.e., Gründgens in reality) as an "Mephisto with evil spirits" from the perspective of exile literature. For such denunciation, Klaus Mann used various means such as satire, caricature, sarcasm, parody and irony. However, his novel is devoid of introspection and "utopianism", and thus could be considered to allow personal rights to be disregarded by the freedom of art. On the contrary, István Szabó employed the two different types of evil (evil of Mephisto and evil of Faust) from a dualistic perspective (instead of a dichotomous perspective of good and evil) by expressing the character of Höfgen like both Mephisto and Hamlet (i.e., "Faust with both good and evil spirits). However, Szabó did not present the mixed character of "Mephisto and Hamlet (Faust)" only as an object of pity. Rather, Szabó called for social responsibility by showing a much more tragic end. As such, the novel Mephisto is more like the biography of an individual, and the film Mephisto is more like the biography of a generation. The aesthetics of conviction of Mephisto appears to overcome biased historical and textual perspectives through the irony of intertextuality between the novel and the film. Even if history is an irresistible "fate" to an individual, human dignity cannot be denied because it is the "value of life". The issue of conviction is not only limited to the times of Nazi Germany. It can also be raised with the ideology of the modern and contemporary history of Korea. History is so deeply rooted that it should not be criticized merely from a dichotomous perspective. When it comes to the relationship between history and individual life, a neutral point of view is required. Hopefully, this research paper will provide readers with a significant opportunity for finding out their "inner Mephisto" and "inner Hamlet."

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.171-200
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• 2016

The full-scaled study of Joseon conducted by Japan in the 1910s was part of its colonial policy, while the native Joseon studies against it contained political aspiration to recover the national rights and independence. Accordingly, the conceptual meaning of 'Joseon' varied according to its subject of speech. The establishment of modern nation-state failed along with the extinction of Korean Empire, but 'Joseon' was newly discovered within national ideology. It became a historical concept in which the experience of the past and the expectation toward the future could be united. The so-called 'Joseon Studies' was only limited to intellectuals in the academic circle, but 'Joseon' embraced the articulations from more various social agents. Furthermore, it is only natural that 'Joseon Studies' should be interpreted within the historical semantics of 'Joseon', considering the connection between concept and discourse. In his The History of Joseon Civilization, An Hwak encompassed the history from the times of ancient mythology to the contemporary times under the banner of 'Joseon'. Opposing Japanese distortion of history carried out in the name of historical positivism, he idealized Joseon history as comparable to that of the Western democracy. He extended the study of 'Joseon' into culture at large, foreshadowing a kind of Joseon philosophy. In his An Overview of Joseon Philosophical Ideas, the first description of 'Joseon philosophy' as an independent field, he proposed philosophy as one of three sources of pride in Joseon and asserted its uniqueness and originality compared to the West. It was an attempt to grasp the peculiarity of Joseon ideas from a perspective of the history of universal human civilization. He considered 'Jong'(倧) as an ideological foundation held from the ancient to the modern times, and the acceptance of Buddhism and Confucianism as beneficial to 'Joseon philosophy'. The birth of 'Joseon philosophy', the modern transformation of the traditional knowledge system, was an intellectual experiment to apply traditional knowledge to the modern disciplinary classification system.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.167-179
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• 2014

This study fundamentally is to develop standards and foundations for the establishment of traditional Korean gardens and aims to identify the mechanism and subsequent effect of fair gardens in American and Europe on the propagation and diffusion of the traditional Japanese garden. Fair gardens which were constructed between 1867 and 1939 were investigated to understand them and the ripple effect that they had on cultural dissemination. The results were as follows: Culturally, the Meiji government adopted Wagener's advice on the theme of display- including culture and handicraft-and the gardens with traditional buildings were perceived as one unit and then used as promotional tools as part of a national strategy. As a result, the stroll style garden in the Edo period and tea garden were recognized as the representative Japanese garden in America and Europe. Politically, the Japanese garden in the American context was adopted as examples of 'exotic beauty' and 'cultural heritage' which therefore allowed the Japanese government to achieve it's goal of encouraging friendly relations and the lessening of hostility towards them. Throughout the traditional Japanese garden, Japan with it's rich history presented an ideal - uniquely distinctive from the West. Using 'tradition' and 'nature' as keywords, the Japanese government set it's global image as 'perpetual tranquility'. Socioeconomically, the Japanese garden which was maintained after the fair, played a consistent role as a model of the Japanese culture. Many professionals from Japan who prepared the Japanese villages and gardens for the world fairs in America and Europe, remained in these countries following construction and it were these opportunities that allowed the Japanese garden to be integrated into local Western society.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2021

The Gwanghwamun Gate of the Gyeongbokgung Palace was established in 1866 when Heungseon Daewongun rebuilt the Gyeongbokgung Palace. In Gwanghwamun, a large platform, woldae was established to reveal its hierarchy. The Gwanghwamun Woldae was equipped with stone railings on the left and right sides, fishing routes in the center, and stairs and slopes to the south. The Yongdu Stone was installed on the south side of the slope, which connected to the woldae, to express the path of the king in a formative manner. The Woldae King Road in Gwanghwamun was expanded in 1915 as the Joseon Promotion Conference was held at the Gyeongbokgung Palace and the woldae was destroyed around 1925. Since then, the figure has not been found since the time before the Gwanghwamun Gate. In the Donggureung royal tombs, there are many stones that are not placed in the royal tombs, including voussoir arch stones, Munsojeon Gugi-bi, as well as Nangan-Seokju, Dongja-seok, and Juk-seok, which are elements of the stone railings. These stone railings and Yongdu-seok are seen as stone objects of the Gwanghwamun Woldae, which can be found through the analysis of the style of the times and comparison with modern photographs.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.143-151
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to provide the future development of the PRC Marine Corps by analyzing the changing functions via its historical development. The PRCMC is an elite regular military forces and was established by the Central Military Commission(China) in 1953 in order to project the national military power toward the enemy's territory by overcoming maritime obstacles such as seas and lakes. The PRCMC is relatively smaller personnel strength compared with the whole size of the PRC military forces. Thus its functions were limited in the areas of amphibious and land operations, island and land defense against Taiwan before the PRC pursues expanding policy toward outside. However, in the 2000s, China pursues its policy for obtaining absolute national interest so that its functions are rapidly enlarged into defense of the forward naval bases, and those for evolving its power toward outside according to not only the island territorial dispute with Japan, but also Xi Jinping's active expanding policy what we call 'the one belt and one road'. So its personnel strength is slowly increased. If the increasement of the PRC Navy and Marine Corps would develop into the level of which they can contain the status and influence of the US military power in Asia-Pacific area, it is possible that the security environment of the North-east Asia including the Korean peninsula will be fluctuated. Consequently, the ROK also needs to reevaluate the functions and the size of the joint strength of the ROK Navy and Marine Corps considering the transition of the changing security environment.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.213-239
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• 2022

This study attempted to organize the transition process of Royal Library (Gyujanggak) in chronological order, analyze the flow and find diachronic meaning during Gojong period, the most confused time at home and abroad prior to modernization. For this, first, the total status quo of King Gojong's library and book storage which played role of Royal Library and a personal library in Gojong period was investigated. Second, based on the current status of the investigation, the transition process from the Royal library in the early days of King Gojong to the Imperial library during the Korean Empire and its meaning were considered with the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, Seungjeongwon diary, various catalogs and historical records. Third, the changes of space-time and aspect of Royal library through the palace of Gyeongbokgung, Changdeokgung, and Gyeongungung were examined to draw a sociopolitical meaning by schematizing each palace. As a result, first, King Gojong conjugated Kyujanggak as a device to strengthen the royal authority and accommodate Western culture in the process of modernization. Second, the crucial spaces containing the political orientation of King Gojong, such as the present king's portrait storage place, library(book storage), and office, formed a separate hall across Gyeongbokgung, Changdeokgung, Gyeongungung, and gradually changed into a Western architectural style.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.35
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• pp.87-122
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• 2017

1) The passage "Sila seongdae so-seongdae cheonha daepyeong nahu-deog (新羅盛(聖)代 昭盛代 天下大平 羅侯德)" of the Korean Dynasty , corresponds to the primary passage of Cheonyong Rang Manghaesa(처용랑 망해사)>. These passages are ironic expressions of King Heongang's reign. This passage can therefore be interpreted as having the meaning of "People talk about King Heongang who ruined the kingdom. The bright politics of Silla's loyalty is the virtue of King Heongang." 2) "Cheoyong aba isi insaeng-ae sangbuleo hasilandae isi insaeng-ae samjaepalnan-i ilsi somyeol hasyatda (處容 아바 以是人生애 相(常)不語시란 以是人生애 相(常)不語시란 三災八難이 一時消滅샷다)." This was said by Cheoyong(처용), who was unable to reveal his anger while witnessing his wife being raped by Yuk-sin(疫神). This passage means, "Father Cheoyong(처용), in this world if a man does not express anger about the absurdity of the world, he can escape from catastrophe," or, "Father Cheoyong (처용), because in this world you had not expressed anger about the absurdity of world, you could escape from catastrophe." 3) In "maa-man maa-man haniyeo sibi jegug-i moda jiseo syeon aeu cheoyongbi-hal maa-man haniyeo (마아만 마아만 니여 十二諸國이 모다 지 셰온 아으 處容아비 마아만 니여)," the most likely interpretation of Maa is "마아(麻兒)," which means "scarecrow." In this way, this passage emphasizes that Cheyong(처용) is not a scarecrow, but a representative of the eyes of all people in all kingdoms. 4) In "meoja oeyaja logliya ppallina nae singohal maeyara (머자외야자 綠李야 리나 내 신고 야라", meoja (머자) is the double arranging shape of meotda(멎다), and oeyaja(외야자) is the double arranging shape of oeda(외다); those characters mean "ugly" and "wrong for each other." Additionally, Rokri(綠李) can be regarded as an administrator in blue or black clothes who is performing an errand of the yuksin(疫神).