• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.121-143
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• 2017

This research aims at examining two classist theories of the subject, elaborated by Negri-Hardt and $Ranci{\grave{e}}re$. Negri-Hardt proposed a new subject of the multitude, established by immaterial/biopolitical labor. This subject marks a new constitution of the proletariat which is the subject of Marxist politics. Like the proletariat, the multitude is established by economic objectivity. The democracy of the multitude becomes possible through the production of the 'common'. Economical elements always dominate the subject itself and subjective politics. The subject of the demos, established by Ranciere, is a party which claims its share in the dominating order of power. It is a subject subtracted from the logic of domination. The demos, therefore, is the subject which is constituted at the moment of the refusal of the established order and the place distributed. This refusal means a kind of subjectivity that transforms the dominating order. Then we take demos as the proper political subject subtracted from economical objectivity.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.203-237
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• 2018

This paper critically studies Meidner's wage-earner funds project. On the basis of this, this paper intends to create new prospects for a universal welfare regime. From the perspective of the welfare system, the funds project is a correction or supplement of the Swedish welfare system of the Swedish model centered on 'redistribution'. However, the funds project shares the ideology of Swedish model and its fundamental premise, I.e. guild socialism and labor-centrism. This paper discusses the limitations of the funds project resulting from this, especially with regard to its three purposes: equalization of property distribution, economic democracy and the correction of excess profit. It then highlights that the alternative to overcome the limitations of the funds project and the Swedish universal welfare system should be based on a new ideology and fundamental premise that is cut off from guild socialism and labor centrism. As an alternative fulfilling this, this paper focuses on theories that suggest that the Common Wealth Fund should be created and basic income should be implemented in the form of dividends as its dividend. As a result, Commons Capital Stock and the basic income as its dividend are presented as alternative prospects for the funds project.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.152-176
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• 2014

Public opinion has dramatically shifted from positive to negative in Korea society especially since the IMF crisis. Such terms as 'aristocratic union', 'collectivism', 'damages on public interest' became a kind of conventional wisdom. Undoubtedly, media's representation has much to do with such a tantamount difference. This study thus attempts to understand the mechanism by analyzing media discourse related to labor strikes. For this purpose, this paper made a choice three cases including doctor-pharmacist dispute, general strike by truckers' solidarity, and Ssangyong Motor's strike. Total 217 editorial pieces of , and conceived to be a representative newspaper of ideological stance were analyzed. Research showed that while paying particular attention to demoralizing labor strikes, shed positive light on such disputes by articulating fundamental causes hampered by pro-capital policies along with anti-labor law enforcement. The believed to be relatively a neutral one showed ambivalent attitudes toward those cases. More favorable and inclusive reporting were found in accordance with policy shifts as well. Media's selective partisanship for the sake of private interests is firmly believed to downgrading credibility on Korean journalism. Also is fair, balanced and less biased reporting over socal disputes a vital part in crystallizing social consensus. In this consideration, the authors hoped this study to provide an opportunity to contemplate on what would be desirable journalistic values in modern democracy.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.215-220
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• 2023

Network technology used as a physical interface to retrieve, store, and exchange data is leading the era of data capitalism in the 21st century. The capacity of network technology dominates almost all communication in everyday life, and makes social understanding and experiences in the physical world visible in cyberspace. The movements of human bodies and objects in cyberspace are placed in a social context. This paper paid attention to these phenomena and examined the cases of activism that raised real problems through cyberspace. In particular, the focus of the study is the digital activism of the Electronic Disturbance Theater, which combines critical art and thinking for democracy with the realm of information and demonstrates aesthetic imagination. The first chapter of the main body briefly outlines the meaning activism as a social movement in cyberspace. The second chapter looks back on the alternatives of <FloodNet>, which represents the early activism performance of EDT. And then in the last chapter, the poetic significance of the <Transborder Immigrant Tool> is analyzed. Through this process, this paper demonstrates that the activism performance of the EDT is a critical aesthetics that encourages imagination for alternatives. It also argues that Electronic Disturbance Theater has contemporary value as an avant-garde art that actively utilizes the medium of network technology and integrates performance art and politics.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.5-37
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• 2010

본 논문은 그동안 대안적 정당모델의 하나로 제시되어 왔던 원내정당모델에 대한 오해를 불식하고 본 모델이 추구하는 이상향(ideal type)을 보다 명료화하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이것을 위해 원내정당모델과 경쟁하는 대안적 정당모델들인 대중정당모델, 포괄정당모델, 선거전문가정당모델과 어떠한 차이를 갖는 것인지를 비교하여 논의하고자 한다. 그동안 한국 정당의 문제점을 개선하기 위한 학계의 논의는 크게 '대중정당모델'(mass party model)과 '원내정당모델'(parliamentary party model)로 수렴되어 왔다. 하지만 이 같은 두 정당모델 진영간의 논쟁이 최근까지 지속되고 있는 배경에는 바람직한 정당모델에 대한 학계의 이론적 공감대가 지체되고 있는 측면이 있다. 우선적으로 원내정당모델에 대한 개념정리를 보다 명료화할 필요가 있다. 왜냐하면 그동안 진행되어온 원내정당론자들에 대한 대중정당론자들의 비판은 대체로 '원내정당모델'이 '포괄정당'과 '선거전문가정당'과 태동배경과 강조되는 정당기능측면에서 성격이 다른 모델임에도 불구하고, 마치 같은 것으로 전제한 상태에서 진행되어 왔기 때문이다.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.40
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• pp.3-27
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• 2014

The purpose of the enactment of the 'Law on the National Archives of Korea' should be to secure the accountability and to shape up the improved governance system in the field of records and archival management, which will contribute to the strengthening of democracy in records management and eventually to the widening of the democratic progress in Korea. On the basis of the above recognition and by way of notion called 'horizontal accountability', this paper suggests the way to secure the National Archives of Korea's independency. And the way to reorganize the National Records Management Committee based on the pluralism and the 'multi-layered' governance system is also investigated. One of the main directions in the suggested law should be for the autonomy and transparency in the operation of the National Archives of Korea. This paper tries drawbacks and limitations of the 'Bill on the National Archives of Korea' introduced to the National Assembly last year, and suggests the alternatives as wel lto get further forward with related discussion.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.7-43
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• 2023

This study examines and identified a series of strategies of Russia's political elites to maintain and strengthen their dominance by reviewing the case of revisions in the election laws of Russia in 2014. At that time, a mixed-member electoral system was newly introduced, and on the surface, it seemed that the new system was a step toward meeting the demands of the people for "enhanced democracy". However, in 2016 and 2021, the ruling party of Russia won the general elections by making the most of the factors that could distort the election results inherent in the mixed-member electoral system. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze whether the revision of election laws was a mere vehicle used by the ruling party, United Russia, to maintain its political power, or whether it was a leap forward to achieve democracy. The study result indicate that the revision of election laws in 2014 was part of the policy responses to the internal conflicts in the circle of Russia's political elites, which had been rising since 2008, as well as to the public resistance. In other words, it was confirmed that the revision of election laws was one of the measures taken to "minimize competition" and "reproduce political power on a stable basis".

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.7-28
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• 2016

This study examines the sociocultural background of negritude by delving into Caseríos, Reggaeton, and $Trigue{\tilde{n}}os$, which are interrelated with the racism deeply embedded in Puerto Rican society. These terms have also been discussed in relation to the ideological discourse of racial democracy, which has caused Puerto Rican people to be blind to silenced inequality and hegemonic racial policies. Caseríos, housing projects for the poor urban class, are targeted by the state - sponsored project 'Mano Dura'. Due to the policing, control and surveillance of this anticrime project, Caseríos became perceived even more as residential communities of violence, poverty, and insecurity generally connected to the stigmatization of blackness. Reggaeton emerged as a mega hit genre of transnational Puerto Rican music in the 2000s, which in turn, drew attention to both the afrodiaspora in New York and the urban musical power in the Island. This musical genre serves to highlight the meaningfulness of black heritage in the national cultural identity of Puerto Rico. $Trigue{\tilde{n}}idad$ has recently become a common racial cultural term that embraces a broader racial paradigm of mestizaje. This term can function as an alternative concept of blackness, but it has not yet been transformed into enough cultural politics to resist ongoing racial democracy. The three terms intrinsically address both the uprooted racism and potential methods of challenging it. This paper argues the necessity of stronger and more responsive cultural politics to defy the pervasiveness and invisibility of racial discrimination in Puerto Rico.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.12
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• pp.250-257
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• 2011

3 years and 10 months has passed since the New Citizen Participation in Criminal Trial was first enforced to secure reliability of people by reinforcing democratic legitimacy of jurisdiction and raising transparency. It can be evaluated positive in that procedural democracy as well as fair and prudent trial is realized, enabling people to participate at criminal justice procedure. However, new citizen participation in criminal trial targets only a very few case and recognize hortatory effects of jury's verdict only, not the binding effects. In addition, it still has various problems including limit to target cases, selection system of defendants, exclusion determination system, participation of conference of the judge and verdict by majority vote of the jury. In this regard, this study aims to examine several issues and problems, and to present alternative for this.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.73
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• pp.93-115
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to explore implications for intergenerational Christian education in Korean churches and families that struggle with "generational fragmentations" focusing on the conception of reciprocity and participation. For the faith community in Korea, "generational fragmentations" does not merely mean communication gaps or the disconnection between generations but also the absence of reciprocity and communal participation as a genuine intergenerational community of faith. With this phenomenon in mind, this study explores the concept of "intergenerationality" in education, focusing on reciprocity and participation. Next, this study examines the concepts of reciprocity and participation found in John Dewey's seminal works, Democracy and Education and Experience and Education based on his ideas of democracy and experience in relation to intergenerational Christian education for the Korean church and families. The present paper then attempts to find implications for intergenerational Christian education in the Korean church and family, showing the importance of an intergenerational community of faith with reciprocity and communal participation, and communal spiritual journey with children and adults.