• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.4-24
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• 2009

This paper examined archaeological resources that discuss how Silla entered the Gangneung area, the coastal region along the East Sea that has been excavated most actively. Silla expanded its territories while organizing the its system as an ancient state and acquired several independent townships in various regions, stretching its forces to the East Sea area faster than any other ancient states of the time. In particular, many early relics and heritages of Silla have been found in Gangneung, the center of the East Sea area. Many archaeological resources prove these circumstances of that time and provide brief texts that are valuable for our interpretation of historical facts. In this respect, it was possible for me to examine these resources to answer my question as to why early relics and heritages of Silla are found in the Gangneung area. Based on my research on Silla's advancement into the Gangneung area, I have acquired the following results: How did Silla rule this area after conquering Yeguk in the Gangneung area? After conquering the Gangneung area, Silla attempted an indirect ruling at first. Later, Silla adopted a direct ruling system. I divided the indirect ruling period into two phases: introduction and settlement. In detail, Silla's earthenware and stone chamber tombs first appeared in Hasi-dong in the fourth quarter of the 4th Century and the tombs spread to Chodang-dong in the second quarter of the 5th Century. A belt with dragon pattern openwork, which seems to be from the second quarter of the 5th Century, was found to tell us that the Gangneung region began receiving rewards from Silla during this time. Thus, the period from the fourth quarter of the 4th Century to the second quarter of the 5th Century is designated as the 1st Phase (Introduction) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. This is when Silla was first advanced to the Gangneung area and tolerated independent administration of the conquered. In the third and fourth quarters of the 5th Century, old mound tombs appeared and burials of relics that symbolized power emerged. In the third quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were prevalent, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs began to emerge. Also, tombs that were clustered in Hasi-dong and Chodang-dong began to scatter to Byeongsan-dong, Yeongjin-ri, and Bangnae-ri nearby. Steel pots were the symbol of power that emerged at this time. In the fourth quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were still dominating, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs became more popular. More crowns, crown ornaments, big daggers, and belts were bestowed by Silla, mostly in Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong. The period from the third quarter to the fourth quarter of the 5th Century was designated as the 2nd Phase (Settlement) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. At this time, Silla bestowed items of power to the ruling class of the Gangneung area and gave equal power to the rulers of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong to keep them restrained by each other. However, Silla converted the ruling system to direct ruling once it recognized the Gangneung area as the base of its expedition of conquest to the north. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, old mound tombs disappeared and small/medium-sized mounds appeared in the western inlands and the northern areas. In this period, the tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs were large enough for people to enter with doors. A cluster of several tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs was formed in Yeongjin-ri and Bangnae-ri at this time, probably with the influence of Silla's direct ruling. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, Silla dispatched officers from the central government to complete the local administration system and replaced the ruling class of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong with that of Silla-friendly Yeonjin-ri and Bangnae-ri to reorganize the local administration system and gain full control of the Gangneung area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.4-21
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate changes of Jinju Sword Dance, characteristics of the changes, and the current condition of its preservation and succession after the designation as the important intangible cultural property no. 12 in January 16th, 1967. In other words, this study understands the situation which has established the present state of after changes over generations. As of now. the year of 2015, the 3 generation holders have been approved since 1967. In 1967, 8 members of $1^{st}$ generation holders were selected from gisaengs of Gwonbeon. However, the succession training was incomplete due to conflicts among the holders, the deaths of some holders, and economic activities of the individuals. As the need of a pivot for succession training and activities was rising, Seong, Gye-Ok was additionally approved as the $2^{nd}$ generation holder on June $21^{st}$, 1978. Seong, Gye-Ok who had never been a gisaeng had dramatically changed with a lot of new attempts. After the death of Seong, Gye-Ok in 2009, Kim, Tae-Yeon and Yu, Yeong-Hee were approved as the $3^{rd}$ generation holders in February, 2010. Based on the resources including the "Cultural Research Reports of Important Intangible Cultural Properties" in 1966 and videos up to 2014, the changes of the dance and surroundings are as follow. 1. The formation of musical accompaniment has been changed during the 3 generations. In the video of the $1^{st}$ generation(in 1970), the performance lasted about 15 minutes, whereas the performance lasted 25 minutes in the video of the $2^{nd}$ generation. Yumbuldoduri rhythm was considered as Ginyumbul(Sangryeongsan) and played more slowly. The original dance requiring only 15 rhythms was extended to 39 rhythms to provide longer performance time. In the $3^{rd}$ generation, the dance recovered 15 rhythms using the term Ginyumbul. The facts that Yumbul was played for 3 minutes in the $1^{st}$ generation but for 5 minutes in the 3rd generation shows that there was tendency pursuing the slowness from the $2^{nd}$ generation. 2. For the composition of the Dance, the performance included additional 20 rhythms of Ginyumbul and Ah(亞)-shaped formation from the $2^{nd}$ generation. From the $3^{rd}$ generation, the performance excluded the formation which had no traditional base. For the movement of the Dance, the bridge poses of Ggakjittegi and Bangsukdoli have been visibly inflexible. Also, the extention of time value in 1 beat led the Dance less vibrant. 3. At the designation as an important intangible cultural property (in 1967), the swords with rotatable necks were used, whereas the dancers had been using the swords with non-rotatable necks since late 1970s when the $2^{nd}$ generation holder began to used them. The swords in the "Research Reports" (in 1966) was pointy and semilunar, whereas the straight swords are being used currently. The use of the straight swords can be confirmed from the videos after 1970. 4. There is no change in wearing Jeonlib, Jeonbok, and Hansam, whereas the arrangement of Saekdong of Hansam was different from the arrangement shown in the "Research Reports". Also, dancers were considered to begin wearing the navy skirts when the swords with non-rotatable necks began to be used. Those results showed that has been actively changed for 50 years after the designation. The $2^{nd}$ generation holder, Seong, Gye-Ok, was the pivot of the changes. However, , which was already designated as an important intangible cultural property, is considered to be only a victim of the change experiment from the project to restore Gyobang culture in Jinju, and it is a priority to conduct studies with historical legitimacy. First of all, the slowing beat should be emphasized as the main fact to reduce both the liveliness and dynamic beauty of the Dance.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2014

In Joseon dynasty, Gongsin-Gyoseo(Royal Edicts rewarding meritorious vassals) was issued for the reward of the contribution to the specific event of the nation. The family decided as vassals succeeded this Gongsin-Gyoseo as the family treasure to later generations. When one happened to lose this caused by an unavoidable situation such as war in this process, there were a few cases of reissuing of Gongsin-gyoseo by the nation. The confirmative reissued Gongsin-gyoseo among Gongsin-gyoseo that descended down by now are three pieces which is Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo, Gu goeng Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo. This research considered the form and mounting about these three pieces. It was indicated that the reissued Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced following the same form with the original Gongsin-Gyoseo, that is pyeongchul(moving to next lines) and daedu (writing one or two letters ahead compared to the first letter) and so on. But, it was indicated that the change of the position of the vassals in the reissued time was reflected compared to position of the original Gongsin-Gyoseo. In case of Jeonsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, it was indicated that it was 'Wonjongdaewang-whi' since the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was 'Jeongwongun-bu' and the reissued time he became the father of King Injo. Also, it was confirmed that the case of deprivation because of conspiracy such as 'Kim jajeom, Kim ryeon, Sim kiwon, Sim kisung' was produced as the original document and deleted with black ink stick. It was newly confirmed while the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced by a designated writer from the nation, the reissuance was written by a writer from the family of the vassals. Since the mounting of Gongsin-Gyoseo could be changed according to the favor and technique of the craftsman participated in the practical production such as Baezeopjang and economical situation of the country supplying the material, the mounting of these three Gongsin-Gyoseo should be different from the original mounting, especially because of the loss of the original by the Manchu war of 1636. The comparison result of Gongsin-Gyoseo produced in the same period with the original issued one in the record of the related Uigwe (a collection of documents from the Joseon Dynasty), the reissued one seems to be larger in the form or ratio of the mounting compared to the first issued one. First of all, the width of Byunah was expanded as twice bigger, center and both side Hoejang also was bigger as over 2cm, and the below Hoejang was expanded as 10cm, and the ratio of the upper Hoejang and the below Hoejang was wider as 1.5 times and the reissuance was 1:1 ratio. The bisect of upper shaft in Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo is assumed as the form of an equilateral triangle, not a half-moon shape of the present, and Gu goeng and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo will be the form whose bisection form is same but the size is smaller. Chuksu is confirmed that the size is not changed significantly. Osaekdahoe can be assumed that the width was smaller compared to the first issued one. The 3 pieces of the reissued versions provide the clue of the verification for the form of the mounting of Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo in the same production period. In the situation that the mounting of the production time was not confirmed among the currently descended Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo, they can be very important materials.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2016

Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.4-31
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• 2018

It is difficult to ascertain exactly when the Hongjuupseong (Town Wall) was first constructed, due to it had undergone several times of repair and maintenance works since it was piled up newly in 1415, when the first year of the reign of King Munjong (the 5th King of the Joseon Dynasty). Parts of its walls were demolished during the Japanese occupation, leaving the wall as it is today. Hongseong region is also susceptible to historical earthquakes for geological reasons. There have been records of earthquakes, such as the ones in 1978 and 1979 having magnitudes of 5.0 and 4.0, respectively, which left part of the walls collapsed. Again, in 2010, heavy rainfall destroyed another part of the wall. The fortress walls of the Hongjuupseong comprise various rocks, types of facing, building methods, and filling materials, according to sections. Moreover, the remaining wall parts were reused in repair works, and characteristics of each period are reflected vertically in the wall. Therefore, based on the vertical distribution of the walls, the Hongjuupseong was divided into type I, type II, and type III, according to building types. The walls consist mainly of coarse-grained granites, but, clearly different types of rocks were used for varying types of walls. The bottom of the wall shows a mixed variety of rocks and natural and split stones, whereas the center is made up mostly of coarse-grained granites. For repairs, pink feldspar granites was used, but it was different from the rock variety utilized for Suguji and Joyangmun Gate. Deterioration types to the wall can be categorized into bulging, protrusion of stones, missing stones at the basement, separation of framework, fissure and fragmentation, basement instability, and structural deformation. Manually and light-wave measurements were used to check the amount and direction of behavior of the fortress walls. A manual measurement revealed the sections that were undergoing structural deformation. Compared with the result of the light-wave measurement, the two monitoring methods proved correlational. As a result, the two measuring methods can be used complementarily for the long-term conservation and management of the wall. Additionally, the measurement system must be maintained, managed, and improved for the stability of the Hongjuupseong. The measurement of Nammunji indicated continuing changes in behavior due to collapse and rainfall. It can be greatly presumed that accumulated changes over the long period reached the threshold due to concentrated rainfall and subsequent behavioral irregularities, leading to the walls' collapse. Based on the findings, suggestions of the six grades of management from 0 to 5 have been made, to manage the Hongjuupseong more effectively. The applied suggested grade system of 501.9 m (61.10%) was assessed to grade 1, 29.5 m (3.77%) to grade 2, 10.4 m (1.33%) to grade 3, 241.2 m (30.80%) and grade 4. The sections with grade 4 concentrated around the west of Honghwamun Gate and the east of the battlement, which must be monitored regularly in preparation for a potential emergency. The six-staged management grade system is cyclical, where after performing repair and maintenance works through a comprehensive stability review, the section returned to grade 0. It is necessary to monitor thoroughly and evaluate grades on a regular basis.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.5-42
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• 2005

Based on a field investigation of intangible cultural asset # 2, author Sir Shin Seok-bong of Daejeon Metropolitan Cityinvestigated the music of Antaek-gut, which is the base and core of Anjoon-gut, and found the following musical features: A Jang-gu(drum) and Kkoaengkwari(gong) were used to recitethe Sutra(kyungmoon) of Anjoon-gut. The Jang-gu, located on the right side, played an accompaniment role with regular beats when the Sutra was recited. The Kkoaengkwari, located on the left side, played the role of covering the caesura of the Sutra passages, so it is played with various rhythmic variations in accordance with Kojang(鼓杖). This is one way of playing Korean national classical music that has temporary caesuras, depending on the rector's bre! ath or the contents of a Sutra during the Sutra chanting, with the Jang-gu covering the pause with its variation. In other words, when being played in concert, the instruments that play the main melody are at rest while another instrument takes its turn to play the main melody as a form of prolonged sound. The rhythmic cycles of the sutras of Antaek-gut recited with this instrumental accompaniment consist of five types; a) Woemarch-jangdan (a single beat) of 4 meter by 3 bit, b) Dumarch-jangdan (two beats) of 8 meter by 3 bit, c) Saemarch-jangdan (three beats) of 4 meter by 3 bit with a fast tempo, d) Mak-gojang, uniform beats with a standardized rhythm, and e) incomplete beats deviated from the regular beats. Sir Shin Seok-bong chanted Chang (唱), a traditional native song which he called 'Cheong (淸)' with a cycle of 'Dumarch-jangdan' throughout the places of Antaek-gut. Only 'Toesonggyung' a chant for the gate that was the last location of the Antaek, was chanted with a cycle of 'Woemarch-jan! gdan'. In addition, 'Saemarch-jangdan' and 'Mak-gojang' that had comparatively faster tempos than the former two jangdans, were played without a chant when a female shaman was dancing and catching her spirit-invoking wand. The 'Saemarch-jangdan', particularly, was played while dancing began at a relatively slow tempo, then proceeded at a violent tempo and then back again to the slow tempo. This shows one of the representative tempos of our music with a slow-fast-slow tempo. The organizational tones were 'mi-la-do'-re'', and its key tones of 'mi-la-do'' were performed with perfect fourth and minor third, which was the same as those of Menari-tori. However, it did not show a typical Sigimse, an ornamental tone, of Menari-tory, whose first tone, 'mi', is vibrated and its Sigimse is gliding down from the tone 're' to 'do'. That is because the regional tone-tori of Chungcheong-do have a relatively weaker musical expression than that of Gyeongsang-do. In addition, the rhythmic types in accordance with the words of a song for the Antaek-gut music had a comparatively faster tempo than the other sutras. Also, it was only with 'Toesonggyeong' that the tone 'la' continuously appeared throughout the melody and showed 'a syllabic rhythm', while other places consisted of either a 'syncopation' or 'melismatic' rhythm. Finally, according to a brief investigation of the tone organization in accordance with each sutra, the tone 'la' was given more weight. The tone procedure showed a mainly ascending 'la-do'' and the descending 'la-mi' with minor third and perfect fourth. Also, the overall tempo proceeded with M.M.♩.=116-184, while the tempo for the Gut proceeded with M.M.♩.=120-140, which was suitable for reciting a Sutra.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.65-89
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• 2004

Up to now, the studies for a pond of ancient palace of Korea are mainly achieved in a landscape architectural field. In fact, we can't grasp the general aspects but we are only heard about the fragmentary ruins and remains by the people who are in charge of an archaeological excavation. In this thesis, therefore, I attempt to grasp the relational categories of the ponds of an ancient palace of Korea, and find out the ideological backgrounds of the ponds of a palace construction through classify them excavated so far. The ancient ponds of Korea are divided to the class of square ponds(I) and curved ponds(II) according a shapes of planes. The class of square ponds(I) are subdivided to the form IA of the class of square ponds and form IB of the class of square ponds by whether it has an island, artificial hill and ornamental stone or not. And the class of the curved ponds(II) are divided to the form IIC that is only composed of curves in shore and the form IID that is composed of curves and straight lines. According the size, it is divided to a small size that is below the maximal diameter, 20m, and a large size that is more than 45m, after all, the ponds of the ancient palaces are devided to IAa, IAb, IBa, II Ca, IICb, IIDa. The square ponds and the curved ponds are co-exist from the initial stage when a pond of a place was found in our country and are succeeded or changed after Silla unified the three Kingdoms. In other words, we can infer a continuity from the earlier stage from the fact that there is a flat figure ground mainly constituted by the ponds of a palace mixed up of a straight line and a curved line in United Silla Kingdom while it succeeds the ponds of a palace that has a square form of Goguryo in Balhai. Different from the successional relation of the flat figure grounds, in an aspect of the elements of the construction, the site of the arbor at the top of the island and the bridge facilities in a field of a palace those are not exist in three Kingdoms period are appeared in United Silla Kingdom. The point that this aspect is simultaneously appeared in a neighboring country, or Japan, allows us to infer that there may be some motivations cause the changes in a construction of the ponds of a palace of Korea, China and Japan from the latter half of the 7th century to the first half of the 8th century. The ideological backgrounds of the ponds of a palace construction are divided roughly into Taoism and Buddhism. We can recognize that the ponds of a palace made up of the islands, the artificial hills and the garden rocks reflect Taiosm, considering the records of the ponds a palace of Korea and China are all use the term, Taoism, or the concrete statement represents that the islands, the artificial hills and the garden rocks are used in the description of the ponds of a palace of Korea. Both two are, therefore, obviously differentiated from the ponds of a palace that doesn't include them. We can conclude that the ponds of a palace that doesn't include them are colored by Buddhism since they are overtly distinguished from the class of curved ponds that reflect Taoism at the same period and they are identical with the site of an ancient temples in an aspect of their type and construction.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.81-89
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• 2011

The results of tracking the symbolism of plants in the introduction factors of Sokhwa(folk painting) are as the following. 1. The term Sokhwa(俗畵) is not only a type of painting with a strong local customs, but also carries a symbolic meaning and was discovered in "Donggukisanggukjip" of Lee, Gyu-Bo(1268~1241) in the Goryo era as well as the various usage in the "Sok Dongmunseon" in the early Chosun era, "Sasukjaejip" of Gang, Hee-mang(1424~1483), "Ilseongrok(1786)" in the late Chosun era, "Jajeo(自著)" of Yoo, Han-joon(1732~1811), and "Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango(五洲衍文長箋散稿)" of Lee, Gyu-gyung(1788~?). Especially, according to the Jebyungjoksokhwa allegation〈題屛簇俗畵辯證說〉in the Seohwa of the Insa Edition of Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango, there is a record that the "people called them Sokhwa." 2. Contemporarily, the Korean Sokhwa underwent the prehistoric age that primitively reflected the natural perspective on agricultural culture, the period of Three States that expressed the philosophy of the eternal spirits and reflected the view on the universe in colored pictures, the Goryo Era that religiously expressed the abstract shapes and supernatural patterns in spacein symbolism, and the Chosun Era that established the traditional Korean identity of natural perspective, aesthetic values and symbolism in a complex integration in the popular culture over time. 3. The materials that were analyzed in 1,009 pieces of Korean Sokhwa showed 35 species of plants, 37 species of animals, 6 types of natural objects and other 5 types with a total of 83 types. 4. The shape aesthetics according to the aesthetic analysis of the plants in Sokhwa reflect the primitive world view of Yin/yang and the Five Elements in the peony paintings and dynamic refinement and biological harmonies in the maehwado; the composition aesthetics show complex multi-perspective composition with a strong noteworthiness in the bookshelf paintings, a strong contrast of colors with reverse perspective drawing in the battlefield paintings, and the symmetric beauty of simple orderly patterns in nature and artificial objects with straight and oblique lines are shown in the leisurely reading paintings. In terms of color aesthetics, the five colors of directions - east, west, south, north and the center - or the five basic colors - red, blue, yellow, white and black - are often utilized in ritual or religious manners or symbolically substitute the relative relationships with natural laws. 5. The introduction methods in the Korean Sokhwa exceed the simple imitation of the natural shapes and have been sublimated to the symbolism that is related to nature based on the colloquial artistic characteristics with the suspicion of the essence in the universe. Therefore, the symbolism of the plants and animals in the Korean Sokhwas is a symbolic recognition system, not a scientific recognition system with a free and unique expression with a complex interaction among religious, philosophical, ecological and ideological aspects, as a identity of the group culture of Koreans where the past and the future coexist in the present. This is why the Koran Sokhwa or the folk paintings can be called a cultural identity and can also be interpreted as a natural and folk meaningful scenic factor that has naturally integrated into our cultural lifestyle. However, the Sokhwa(folk paintings) that had been closely related to our lifestyle drastically lost its meaning and emotions through the transitions over time. As the living lifestyle predominantly became the apartment culture and in the historical situations where the confusion of the identity has deepened, the aesthetic and the symbolic values of the Sokhwa folk paintings have the appropriateness to be transmitted as the symbolic assets that protect our spiritual affluence and establish our identity.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.215-249
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• 2011

This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.