• Title/Summary/Keyword: 농민 상인

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Crop Loss Survey by Wildlife in National Parks of Korea (한국 국립공원 내 야생동물과 농작물 피해)

  • Yoon, Seong-Il
    • Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
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    • v.25 no.3
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    • pp.223-227
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    • 2007
  • Crop loss and damage by wildlife are becoming more serious to residents inside and around National Parks of Korea annually. It could be caused by small size of Parks, which is couples of ten $km^2$ only, and more than a third of total parks' areas are belonging to privates. Wild boar (Sus scrofa) is one of the most harmful pests in nationwide. Treading down crop field using as bedding or resting site are major damaged types and foraging behavior is following. Besides of boars, Korean water deer (Hydropotes inermis), racoon dog (Nyctereutes procyonoides), and badger (Meles meles) are another serious pests. Mainly, farm products planted in upland, such as corns, sweet potatoes, cabbages, etc. are harmed easily, a rate reaches up to 76.9% of whole losses. 92.4% (n=187) of interviewees, who are mostly seniors, cultivate small crop fields smaller than 1 ha. Crop damage would be started from June to late November, time differences are happened due to latitude, climate condition, and crop differences of National Parks. Dusting animal repellents are easier and widespread methods to prevent animal foraging to crop fields and installing noisy makers using gun powder and setting up scarecrows are traditional methods for repelling animals. Nevertheless, effects of these self-defence are turned out to be useful soon after labors done only. Since legal compensation for crop damages by wildlife are not prepared systematically so far, crop loss are rarely reported to local government by most farmers. Systematic and objective methods for quantifying of crop loss by wildlife and population managements system should be offered urgently to well-managed animals habitat and residents' living inside National Parks.

Better Use of Technological Advances in Communication of Information (농업기상정보교환에 있어 첨단기술의 효율적 활용)

  • Elijah Mukhala;Malgorzata, Keinska-Kasprzak
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.85-93
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    • 2004
  • In recent years, technology has advanced so much, especially in the developed world, such that its application in development activities may be lagging behind. The lag between technological advances and its application affects agrometeorological science as well. This paper discusses technological advances that may be better used to communicate agrometeorological information. It is important to bear in mind that technological advances are only channels of communication that may be used to speed up the transference of information from the source to the user. The paper begins with a review of the definitions of 'communication' to put the discussion into context. After reviewing several papers, in simple terms, communication can be defined as the sharing of meaning. The paper also looks at operational communications channels and comes to a conclusion that operational communications channels are pretty much universal irrespective of the development level of a country, although some are more easily accessible in some parts of the world than others. The common communications channels include: newspapers, farming papers, radio, television, fax, email, mobile phones (SMS) and Internet web sites. As part of technological advances, mobile phones are becoming increasingly useful all over the world. In order to make better use of this technology, it is important far those that will use this technology to understand how the technology works, not necessarily in detail, but to be able to operate the technology and obtain the data they need. When it comes to constraints, communication of agrometeorological information requires a substantial amount of resources and it is generally expensive especially when sophisticated models must be operated.

Comparison of Biological Activities of Opuntia humifusa and Opuntia ficus-indica (손바닥선인장의 생리활성 비교 연구)

  • Park, Chul Min;Kwak, Byoung Hee;Park, Si Hyung;Kim, Hui;Rhyu, Dong Young
    • Korean Journal of Plant Resources
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    • v.26 no.5
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    • pp.519-525
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    • 2013
  • The Opuntia extract has been traditionally used to treat diabetes, inflammation, and rheumatoid arthritis in oriental medicine. The purpose of this study is to investigate characteristics of biological activity between Opuntia humifusa and Opuntia ficus-indica which is cultivating in korea using cell-free system or cell-based assay. O. humifusa extract effectively inhibited ${\alpha}$-glucosidase activity or improved the immune function, and its biological activity was more effective than O. ficus-indica extract. The scavenging activity of DPPH radical and the inhibitory effect of tyrosinase similarly showed by O. humifusa and O. ficus-indica extract, however neuroprotective effect only showed a tendency to increase compared with control in PC12 cells. Therefore the results suggest that O. humifusa can be a useful agent for treatment of diabetes and immunodeficiency.

Commercial Production of Seed Garlic by Tissue Culture Technique (조직배양에 의한 씨마늘의 상업적 생산)

  • Nam, Sang-Il;Park, Ju-Hyun;Choi, Jong-In;Kwon, Ki-Seok;Uhm, Jeong-Sik
    • Journal of Plant Biotechnology
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.171-177
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    • 2002
  • We, Tong Yang Moolsan Co. Ltd. (TYM) set up the mass-production system for virus-free seed garlic via tissue culture technique. TYM's tissue culture technique is called as 'Multiple shoot propagation technique' This technique can lead mass propagation of genetically homogeneous seed garlic in a short period because of its highly proliferation rate of in vitro shoots (15/sup 10//year). TYM researchers applied the technique to some selected garlic cultivars with superior characteristics and carried out field test of productivity in the inside and outside of the country for several years. According to the yearly results of field test with virus-free seed garlic, we ascertained that virus-free seed garlic can produce the highly yield increase (max. above 50%) and also can enhance the product quality. Consequently, we estimated that TYM's seed garlic will contribute to farmers with increase of income and can elevate the national position of garlic market in the world for its competitive power of technical and production cost.

Analysis on Growth and Yield of Cherry Tomato Grown in a Two-Story Bed System Adapted to Strawberry Cultivation as Affected by the Planting Time during the Uncultivated Period (딸기 재배용 2단 베드 시스템에서 휴작기 이용 방울토마토 재배 시 정식 시기에 따른 생육과 생산성 분석)

  • Choi, Hyo Gil;Moon, Byoung Yong;Kang, Nam Jun;Ko, Dae Whan;Kwon, Joon Kook;Lee, Jae Han;Park, Kyoung Sub
    • Horticultural Science & Technology
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    • v.34 no.2
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    • pp.228-235
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    • 2016
  • This study was conducted to determine the yield of cherry tomato (Solanum lycopersicum Mill.) grown at three planting times during the uncultivated period of strawberry. Cherry tomato was planted under condition filled with strawberry dedicated culture medium on a two-story bed with April 20, April 30, and May 10 at 2015. Fruit harvest was completed on July 31. The supply concentration of nutrient solution at the time of transplanting was started as EC $1.2dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ and it was gradually increased to EC $2.5dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ after blooming of the first flower cluster. Netherlands PBG solution was supplied for one minute six times per day. The heights of cherry tomato plants planted at earlier were significantly greater than those of tomato plants planted later. The heights of cherry tomato plants grown at the bottom of the bed were greater than those grown in the upper bed. The yield of cherry tomatoes planted on April 20 at the bottom of the bed was greatest with an average of 2,954 g of tomatoes per plant. There were no significant differences in the average weight and sugar content of fruit according to planting times and bed position. The yield of cherry tomato plants planted on April 20 was 18% and 34% higher than that of plants planted on April 30 and May 10. We confirmed to increase the yield of the cherry tomato when early plants planted on two-story bed. These results indicate that farmers can choose the best period of producing cherry tomato during the un-cultivated period of strawberry under two-story bed conditions.

Distribution and Seasonal Occurrence of Japanese Gall-forming Thrips, Ponticulothrips diospyrosi, in Korea (감관총채벌레(Ponticulothrips diospyrosi)의 분포와 발생소장)

  • Huh Wan;Huh Hye-Soon;Yun Ji-Eun;Son Jun-Ki;Jang Hyeon-Kyu;Uhm Ki-Baik;Park Chung-Gyoo
    • Korean journal of applied entomology
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    • v.45 no.1 s.142
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    • pp.59-66
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    • 2006
  • The damaged area by and the distribution of Japanese gall forming thrips, Ponticulothrips diospyrosi Haga et Okajima (Thysanoptera: Phlaeothripidae) in Korea were surveyed based on the answers of persimmon growers to questionnaire. Seasonal occurrence of each developmental stage was estimated by monitoring the individuals in damaged leaves, and effect of trap site and side of sticky board were studied by yellow sticky traps at three sweet persimmon orchards in Gimhae and Jinju (orchards A and B), Gyeongnam province, Korea in 2005. P. diospyrosi gave damage to astringent persimmon as well as sweet one. The damaged area of persimmon orchard has sharply increased since 2000, reaching 446 ha nationwide; Gyeongnam province was most severely damaged, followed by Gyeongbuk and Jeonnam provinces. Most of the farmers answered that they sprayed insecticides and removed the damaged leaves to control P. diospyrosi. The overwintered adults were observed in the damaged-rolled leaves from mid May and the 1st generation adults from early-mid June. No thrips were observed in the damaged leaves after mid July. Yellow sticky trap data showed that peak adults catch of the overwintered generation was mid May, and that of the 1st generation was mid-late June in Gimhae and late June in Jinju. Sticky traps set at orchard-pine forest border caught significantly more number of the 1st generation adults than those at the orchard center, even though timing of peak catches was not different between the two sites. There was a tendency of more catches on the side of sticky trap facing pine forest than the other side facing orchard center, even though the catches on both sides showed no statistical difference.

Variation of Rice Production for Two Decades before and after Breeding Tongil Variety in Korea (수도 통일품종 육성보급 전후 20년간의 생산성 변이)

  • Eun-Woong Lee
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.27 no.3
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    • pp.183-192
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    • 1982
  • The variability of rice productivity during last 2 decades (1961-1980) of ten years before and after the introduction of"Tongil" was reviewed from the epochal, regional and varietal points of view. During that period the cultivated area of paddy rice have remained almost unchanged, while the total rice production have got elevated from 3, 463 million metric tons in 1961 to 6.006 million metric tons in 1977, recording 73.4% increase. This remarkable increase in rice production is considered to be attributable much to the development and release of new high yielding variety, "Tongil", coupled with the amelioration of cultural techniques. However, in 1978 Tongil type varieties experienced the epidemic outbreak of blast disease due to the shifted race population of blast fungus and in 1980 recorded poor rice production as low as in 1960's due to the unfavorable weather stress throughout the rice growing season, giving rise to many problems awaiting solutions for securing the stabilized high production of rice. The rice yield has continued the gradual increase during last two decades but its difference between farmer and research organization have got wider from 79kg/10a during 1960 to 1971 to 101kg/l0a during 1972 to 1980, and also the inter-regional differences have been increased from 50-60kg/10a to 80kg/10a during those periods. Therefore, this proves that we have raised the upper boundary of rice yield by increasing the yield potential of rice variety but have not changed those absolute deviations. Estimates indicate that the increased rice production during that period was indebted 40 percent to the varietal improvement and 13 percent to the ameliorated agro-technologies, and the rest, 47 percent, could be ascribed to the other factors besides varieties and cultural technologies such as the improved agricultural environments, etc. Of course, even though it cannot be expected to unify the cultural environments and the cultural technologies, provided that much efforts are to be endeavored to minimize the yield difference of 20 percent between farmer and research organizations and the inter-regional yield difference of 20 percent, much increased rice production can be expected to be achieved with the current level of cultural technology and the yielding potential of the present rice varieties. In order to expedite the above effects on rice production the followings are to be put into practices consitently and steadfastly. 1. Reinforcement of breeding for varieties with high yielding potential and less susceptible to climatic-stress and pests, and of basic physicoecological studies of rice plant for improving the cultural technologies. 2. Continuous endeavor to secure the stabilized cultural environments by improving the soil fertility and increasing the drainage and irrigation facilities. 3. Political back-up to encourage the farmers' incentives for production 4. Precise surveys for agricultural statistics to facilitate the long-term planninge long-term planning.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Overview of Utilization of Four-wheel Tractor in Korea(I) -Ownership and Annual Use by Different Farm Groups- (농용(農用)트랙터 이용(利用)에 관(關)한 조사연구(調査硏究)(I) -경영형태별(經營形態別) 농작업이용실태분석(農作業利用實態分析)-)

  • Park, Ho Seok;Kim, Kyong Su;Lee, Yong Kook;Han, Sung Kum
    • Journal of Biosystems Engineering
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.20-32
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    • 1982
  • This survey was conducted to investigate the present status of farm tractor utilization for obtaining a basic reference to the establishment of the government's agricultural mechanization strategies. Thirty two counties from the eight provinces except Jeju were covered in this study. From these selected areas, 433 sample farms having farm tractor were taken to obtain the general informations by the enquete, and 93 sample farms among them to investigate the status of daily tractor use in the year of 1980. The analyzed results are summarized as follows: 1. Farm tractors owned by the rice-oriented farms holds 71.5 percent of the total number of tractors the livestock-oriented farms 17.0 percent, and the orchard-oriented farms 7.0 percent. Among the farm tractors 64.3 percent was a large size (46ps) and 35.7 percent a small size(19~23ps). 2. Most of the tractors surveyed were equipped with the essential attachments such as plow and rotavator. About 18 percent of the tractor owners had no trailer, which seemed too high considering the large percentage of tractor use for transportation. The availability of other attachments was very low except a grader on the rice-oriented farms and a hay harvester and a front loader on the livestock-oriented farms. 3. The average size of farm was 3.9 hectare for the rice-oriented farms, 13.9 hectare for the livestock-oriented farms and 7.4 hectare for the orchard-oriented farms. It was obious that the average farm size of was too small compared to the theoretical machine capacity of the tractors. 4. About 70 percent of the tractor operators were in the age of twenties and thirties. About 90 percent of them had an educational level of middle school graduate or above even though their technical level was very low. 5. Any particular problem in tractor use was not found in this survey. From the farmer's preference for purchasing a new tractor, however, it is estimated the demand on a 20-30ps tractor will be more increased. 6. The average annual use of tractor was of about 100 days or 400 hours. It appeared that the rice-oriented farms used most with 412.4 hours per year, and followed by the livestock-oriented farms with 403.6 hours, the orchard oriented farms with 377.7 hours. 7. Among the total hours of tractor use, 47.3 percent was for transportation, and 41.6 percent was for plowing and rotary tillage. The largest portion of the annual tractor use was taken by transportation on the livestock-oriented farms, by land preperation on the rice-oriented farms, and by loading and chemical spraying on the orchard-oriented farms. 8. The hours of tractor use had a peak in May. The hours of use for own farm was remarkably different among the different farm oriented, but there was no considerable difference between the too different sizes of tractor. 9. The hours of tractor use decreased as the age of the operator or the educational level increased. The reason might be that the operators who had a high educational level or were older had a tendency of disliking custom works. 10. The average custom use of tractor was 171.3 hours per year, and the ratio of custom work was 63.7 percent on the rice-oriented farms, 31.7 percent on the livestock-oriented farms and 22.4 percent on the orchard-oriented farms. Among the custom works, the most popular one was the grader leveling. 11. The charge on custom work was about 40,000 Won per hectare for plowing and rotary tillage, and it was the most expensive in the southeastern region, and next followed by the southwestern region. 12. The average plowing capacity of the small tractor was 7.8 hours per hectare in the paddy field, and that of the large tractors was 4.3 hours per hectare. The average rotary-tilling capacities of the small and the large tractors were 6.5 and 4.3 hours per hectare, in the paddy field respectively.

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