• Journal of Environmental Policy
• /
• v.9 no.2
• /
• pp.57-81
• /
• 2010

Recently, labor unions' active participation in social issues is drawing people's attention as their concerns are expanding from the conventional wage raise and employment to others such as the environment and poverty eradication. This derives from the notion that a trade union with bargaining power is also an economic agent responsible and able to take a positive role in social issues. This paper explains through a micro economic analysis model that labor union movements can also contribute to social issues such as the global environment. Based on the international oligopoly trade theory, the study analyzes the principal-agent model whereby firms and labor unions pursue their strategic choices based on their interest and influence the implementation of regulatory policies on pollution emission. The analysis confirmed that labor unions' bargaining power and international cooperation are influential in alleviating global pollution emission and in improving social welfare. This conclusion could be presented as a basis for arguing for and requesting the participation and cooperation of labor unions to solve environmental problems discussed at WILL 2006.

• Journal of Labour Economics
• /
• v.11
• /
• pp.171-182
• /
• 1988

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.14 no.2
• /
• pp.377-413
• /
• 2008

세계 경제의 환경 변화로 제조업 부문은 경쟁 압력과 함께 구조조정 압력에 직면하고 있다. 특히, 석유화학 산업은 대표적인 장치산업이란 특징으로 인해 중국과 중동의 대규모 신규 설비투자가 한국 석유화학 산업에 커다란 구조조정 압력으로 작용하고 있다. 정부가 정책대안의 1순위로 꼽는 인수합병 계획으로 인해 대규모 고용조정과 함께 비정규직 증가가 초래될 가능성이 크다. 석유화학산업의 고용형태는 '핵심-주변'으로 이원화되어 있으며 '구조조정 = 비정규직 증가'로 나타나고 있기 때문이다. 프랑스의 구조조정 대응 사례를 통해 정부의 능동적 개입과 노조의 적극적 대안 추구 노력이 구조조정에 따른 고용 문제의 해결책을 마련해 낼 수 있음을 알 수 있다. 정부는 석유화학산업의 당면 과제인 산업 내 양극화를 극복하고 산업연관체계를 재구축하기 위한 능동적 역할을 담당해야 한다. 또한 지역차원의 고용안정시스템의 구축을 위해 지방정부의 능동적 역할이 요구된다. 특히, 도급구조로 이원화된 노동력 구조를 극복하기 위해서 건설플랜트노동자를 비롯해 하청구조 하의 다양한 비정규직의 이해를 반영하는 교섭틀 구축이 중요하다. 노동조합은 전체 노동자를 포괄하는 위치에서만 산업정책에 대한 개입력을 높여나갈 수 있다. 사회연대적, 사회운동적 노동조합주의라는 새로운 정체성 하에서만 적극적인 산업재편 개입전략의 토대를 형성할 수 있다.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.24 no.3
• /
• pp.143-178
• /
• 2018

This study is aimed at empirically examining the Korean unionists' solidarity using the survey of 476 full-time workers employed at the unionized workplace. It also questions the determinants affecting the unionist' willingness to be united with the contingent workers. The Korean unionism has faced the biggest challenge, that is, the crisis-in-worker solidarity. Although prior literature has noted the crisis in Korean unionism, it lacks a solid investigation of individual workers' perception of solidarity which may play a key role in building up worker-solidarity in the union movement. This study first examines the three sources of solidarity allowing for the historical and theoretical approach to the modern solidarity; economic interests, worker-identification and empathy, which provide an emprical framework for this study. The empirical evidences shows dynamic aspects as of how the full-timers perceive solidarity with the non-regular workers in the three terms of solidarity. First, full-time unionists share rare willingness to be united with contingent workers in terms of economic solidarity. In addition, the KCTU (Korean Confederation of Trade Unions) with social reformative orientation has little influence on increasing their member's orientation towards solidarity. Second, it is found that full-time unionists have more willingness to identify themselves with the non-regular workers as a member of the labor class. The KTCU is also positively associated with their member's will of identification with contingent workers. Third, the unionists, however, show little empathy toward non-regular workers, which is contrast to the willingness to worker identification. No causality is also found between the KTCU and their members' empathy for the others.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.20
• /
• pp.77-114
• /
• 2009

The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. First, there is no good records management regulation. At this research, I found it that most regulations of the labor unions were all the same. I think they have been copied a kind of one of originality. Second, the definition of records were very narrow, like documentary evidence. Third, the classification, filing, disposal regulations are the below level of the public institution in 1970s. Fourth, there are no standards of the records scheduling for the labor records. What kind of labor records have the historical values? I could not find, only the documentary evidence value. So, I think The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. I investigated the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA. There were many kind of records. For example, the records of regional labor unions also central labor unions, pamphlets, journals, photos, personal records, oral history, organizational records like protocols article of associations internal rules, minute books etc. Like this the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA are very various. But our actual conditions of the labor unions is far from that. Rather, we just have tried collected records for publishing the white papers. But this habitual practice would not be desirable. Because they must manage the records from the producing time. Mostly, 'laborer history HANNAE' were organised, and they are trying the collecting and management of the labor records. Also They are trying the computerizing, compilation. 'HANNAE' has the condition for the transformation of the labor archives. But if they want to be really, they must make the records management infra and so, should normalize the record management firstly. For example, They must be keep the standardized records management regulations, records scheduling redesigned. the developing standard model for the records management. And they have the vision for the hub of the labor archives. When coming to this, it will be realized the labor archives Now the records for the working class are disappearing. The managing the records for the labor is another labor movement. All together should join it. But I think the supporting of the archival science research colleagues will be the essential part.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.17 no.1
• /
• pp.209-242
• /
• 2011

본 연구는 현대하이스코 순천공장과 포스코 광양제철소에서의 비정규직 조직화 비교를 통해 사내하청 노동조합의 조직화에 영향을 미치는 작업장 요인과 지역사회 요인들을 살펴보고자 하였다. 기존의 비정규직 노동자 조직화를 비롯한 노동운동, 노동조합 관련 연구들은 대부분 '생산의 정치'의 영역에서 비롯된 '작업장' 요인들에 초점을 맞추고 있다. 그러나 비정규직 노동자 조직화에 대한 보다 분석을 보다 발전시키기 위해서는 작업장뿐만 아니라 '스케일의 정치'가 작동하는 공간인 '지역사회' 또한 분석의 단위로 통합되어야 한다. 따라서 본 연구는 작업장에서의 정규직 및 비정규직 노동자들에 대한 관리통제와 실천뿐만 아니라, 지역사회의 다양한 요인들이 비정규직 노동자들의 조직화 시도에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지를 검토하고자 한다. 두 사례에서 사내하청 노동자들은 철강산업이라는 산업부문과 사내하청 고용형태에 속한다는 공통점 외에도 낮은 수준의 임금과 노동조건하에서 강한 불만을 지니고 있었으며, 원청 및 사내하청 업체의 강한 통제하에 놓여 있었다는 공통점을 지닌다. 그럼에도 포스코의 경우와 달리 현대하이스코 비정규직 노동자들은 격렬한 대중투쟁과 지역사회의 지원 속에서 성공적인 조직화를 이룰 수 있었다. 사내하청 노동조합 결성 과정 또한 상이하였다. 현대하이스코의 경우 누적된 사내하청노동자들의 불만이 계약해지를 계기로 일순간 터져 나오면서 작업장 점거농성을 비롯한 대중투쟁과 결합하였다. 나아가 현대하이스코 비정규직지회는 지역사회운동과의 연대를 통해 작업장의 문제를 전체 비정규직 노동문제로 확대해 나갔다. 반면, 포스코의 경우 초기 조직화의 범위가 제한적이었고 대중투쟁 또한 강하게 나타나지 않았으며 지역사회의 관심과 지원 또한 약하게 나타났다. 이상과 같이 두 사례를 비교 검토함으로써 비정규직의 조직화에 있어 비정규직 자체 동원기제와 정규직의 지원은 여전히 중요하게 작용하지만, 이것이 확보되지 않을 경우 지역사회를 비롯한 외부의 지원이 일정하게 작용함을 살펴볼 수 있었다. 그러나 이 역시 지역사회구조 및 지역사회운동의 성격에 영향을 받는 것으로 나타났다.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.12 no.2
• /
• pp.193-202
• /
• 2014

According to change of business environment, the company has required not only profit but also social responsibility for profitable growth. However, these changes are not only applies to the company. Company's internal stakeholders and social systems sub-elements of the union was forced to respond to these changes, too. However, research has not focused yet USR until now, It's very rare USR and introduction of USR and Case of USR. But The union must meet a the stakeholders such as nonunionist, county, as well as union members. This study looked at the USR Case of LG Electronics Union which is a leader in this filed. LG Electronics Union had accepted the USR in 2010, LG Electronics Union led innovation and change of labor movement and pushed ahead with USR such as service to community and vulnerable, refrain from strike, environmental protection. and LG Electronics Union spread the USR to overseas and domestic. Through the LG Electronics Union's USR Case, this study seek the new labor movement.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.137-179
• /
• 2018

To reduce labor market discrimination, there are lively discussions about the role of extant labor regime based on labor unions. It includes both the critical perspective on extant labor movement and the necessity of new actors for resolving discriminations within labor market. Among new actors, the present study focuses on contingent labor centers. Specifically, we have investigated on the development and identity of contingent labor centers as coalition of local government-labor organization. The core content of this study is to reconstruct the activities and strategies of contingent labor centers throughout the longitudinal approach. From many evidences, we can confirm that contingent labor centers have evolved via three phases such as differentiation, de- politicizing, and networks. This finding also provides insights about inside relationships between contingent labor centers and outside tensions between contingent labor center and extant labor organizations. We finally discuss on the theoretical implications of contingent labor center as new actor for contingent worker movement.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.1-28
• /
• 2018

This paper studies and evaluates the present situation of three decades of 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea with a long-term perspectives. It had grown up during 1987 labour regime era and has declined abruptly since 1998. The backdrop of this decline was the transformation of labour regime from the 1987 regime to the dependent neoliberal one. The Korean labour movement did not respond to the changed structural conditions as it sustained its old strategies, militant unionism. Now the 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea has met three difficult problems that are connected with each others. They are militant economism, political economism and formal industrial unionism. However the 'Candlelight Revolution' occurred in 2016 winter has opened a chance of regime change that could strengthen the 'Minjoonojoundong'. The revolution was primarily a political one. But it also created a dramatic situation change in labour politics. The candle-citizen demanded radical change of the polarized Korean society and overflown contingent workers. So it is a time of radical and overall innovation for the 'Minjoonojoundong' and KCTU. And they have to keep the long-term strategical vision of labour regime change.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.24 no.3
• /
• pp.179-209
• /
• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.