• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.39-63
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• 2018

Kiho Academic in the late Joseon Korea, the negative effect of the Horak debate is amplified and the division within the academic is accelerated. However, the scholars of the Kiho Academic field put forth efforts to unify the academics with the same sense of responsibility to end the schism. Nevertheless, the scholars of the Kiho Academic have shown various differences in the process of accepting Neo-Confucianism, which creates new schools. Therefore, Kiho Academic in the late Joseon Korea coexisted with various schools with different academy positions. Some of the representative groups are Hwaseo, Nosa, Ganjae, Yeonjae, and Uuidang Schools. In addition, through the scholarly differentiation and the school division of the Kiho Academic, the debate on the mind that characterizes Neo-Confucianism of the late Joseon Korea has developed. However, there was a common value that everyone pursued in the middle of the debate: the construction of a moral ideal society, the ultimate goal of Neo-Confucianism. In conclusion, though the purpose they pursued was not fulfilled, it can be seen from the debate on the mind that they fiercely demanded that these requests were urgent in the late Joseon Korea This paper, therefore, the situation of the Kiho academic in the late of Joseon Korea, the problem consciousness of the scholars of the Kiho academic, and the issue and development of debate on the mind.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

It is as necessary as ever to make constant efforts to overcome the regional strife between the eastern and western parts of Korea and come to a mutual understanding. To achieve this, we must endeavor to correct Korean people's distorted understanding of the history of Korean philosophical thoughts. Ordinary Koreans commonly and mistakenly associate the academic circles of Korean Neo-Confucianism with certain regions by which to divide them into Giho School and Yongnam School and then go as far as associating the schools and parties and pegging them 'Namin'(南人) to refer to as the followers of Yongnam School and 'Seoin'(西人) as the followers of Giho School. Such false notions must be corrected. During the reign of King Seonjo, political factions of Joseon were split into Yongnam and Giho, or East and West. At the time, the two cardinal directions East and West were only used to refer to the eastern and western parts of Seoul, and not Yeongnam(East) and Giho(West) of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the factional split at the time has nothing to do with regional cleavages. In fact, a majority of scholars representing Korean Neo-Confucianism maintained a friendly relationship regardless of the school, party, and region. Many leading scholars in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty namely Jo Sik(曺植)/Seong Woon(成運), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Ki DeaSeung(奇大升), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Lee Yi(李珥), Noh Susin (盧守愼)/Lee Yi, the ones in the late Joseon Dynasty -Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經 世)/Kim Jang-Saeng(金長生), Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經世)/Song Joon Gil(宋浚吉), and also those at the end of the Joseon Dynasty such as Kwak JongSeok(郭鍾錫) and Kim BokHan(金福漢) deeply respected each other and had a close friendship rooted in their academic commitment. The friendship between the leaders of Giho and Yongnam is a testimony to the high level of their character, academic achievement, and intellect. More than ever, such intangible intellectual and cultural resources drawn from Korean tradition must be utilized to the fullest. From this point on, we need to further promote the friendship and mutual understanding the scholars of Yongnam(Gyeongsang-do), Gyeonggi, Honam (Jeolla-do), and Hoseo(Chungcheong-do) enjoyed, and use them as a cognitive basis for harmony between the eastern and western parts of the country. These invaluable assets can be specifically used in the promotion of exchange between the local autonomous governments of the regions where above-mentioned scholars built an amicable relationship, joint commemorative events, exchange between families of the scholars of both regions, opening of special exhibitions dedicated to the harmony between Yongnam and Giho at museums in the two regions, co-organization of local festivals, joint operation of culture programs, and relationship and exchange between the 'seowons' in both regions, through which to promote the long history of exchange between the scholars of the past and utilize it in joint projects.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.131-164
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• 2012

This paper is to make a generalization of Keyongyegimunrok(經義記聞錄) by Namdang Han Wonjin(1682~1751) whose historical positions of philosophy were contained, and to examine its established periods and the summaries of Ligi-Simseong Doseol(理氣心性圖說, illustrated Account of principle, Vital force, and Heart-mind) given in Appendix of Chap. 6. Total seventeen explanatory diagrams cover over the theory of principle and material force, theory of Heart-mind, theory of cultivation. These explanatory diagrams were produced systematically and easily to understand the pursuits of study, so-called Ho-hak(湖學), since Namdang becoming a member of the Yellow River(黃江) school. The philosophical argumentations of Namdang was usually succeeded by the orthodox stream of Ki-ho(畿湖) School transmitted from Ii, Song Si-yeol, Gwon Sang-ha. Ligi-wollyu-do(理氣源流圖), Ligi-dongjeong-do(理氣動靜圖), irwon-bunsu-do(一原分殊圖, 4 diagrams) are diagrams equivalent to Ki-ho School's ontology. As Ki-ho School's theory of Heart-mind, there are Seongjeong-hoenggan-do(性情橫看圖), Seongjeong-sugan-do(性情竪看圖), Seongjeong-chonghwoi-do(性情總會圖), Oseonghoju-do (五性互主圖), Oseongchubon-do(五性推本圖), Simseongmyohap-do (心性妙合圖), Simseongiji-do(心性二岐圖), Jungyongcheonmyeong-do(中庸天命圖), Insim dosim-do(人心道心圖), focusing on Simtongseongjeong-do(心統性情圖), and last diagram is Wihakjibang-do(爲學之方圖), which adapted from the diagram established by Ii and Song Si-yeol. The significance of Keyongyegimunrok(經義記聞錄) is comprehensive of the pursuits of the Yellow River school's studies, and provides evidence of a leading figure in Ho-hak.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.49-61
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• 2019

This study aims to examine the spatial recognition of the characters who visited Anuisamdong(安義三洞) in the past and left it in the literature. Thus, the school's relationship between people identified in the relevant literature was analyzed and the elements of landscape were extracted. The results were as follows; First, The figures who authored the literature on Anuisamdong were related to scholars living in Anuihyun(安義縣), along with the Yeongnam confucian genealogy. Starting with Jung, Yeo-Chang(鄭汝昌) in the 15th century, a relationship centered on Nammyeong School(南溟學派) in the 16th century was formed. At that time, people had toured the Anuisamdong regardless of the academic background. In the 17th century, Nammyeong School were in conflict with Toegye School(退溪學派), so Toegye School's influence had no record. In the 18th century, the proportion of Nammyeong School, Toegye School, and Kiho School(畿湖學派) appeared similar as they evolved into the Yeongnam School(嶺南學派). After the 19th century, the proportion of patriots who participated in the anti-Japanese movement was higher than that of schools. Second, The main places used in the literature related to Anuisamdongwere the order of Wonhakdong(猿鶴洞), Hwrimdong(花林洞) and Simjindong(尋眞洞). There are a total of 21 major elements used for the related literature, of which Suseungdae Rock(搜勝臺), Morijae House(某里齋), Nongwaljeong Pavilion(弄月亭), Sasundae Rock(四仙臺) and Cheoksuam Rock(滌愁巖) were the main subjects. Elements of Wonhakdong have been in the spotlight since the 16th century, focusing on Suseungdae Rock. Although the elements of Hwarimdong have been increasing gradually since the 18th century, the ratio of Simjindong to Wonhakdong and Hwarimdong was relatively small. Third, The relationship between the figures who visited the Anuisamdong and the spatial recognition of the Anuisamdong was divided into landscape awareness, emotional awareness and symbolic recognition. The Anuisamdong's scenic view is mostly identified by its description of the waterscape and topographical landscape, which people may have perceived as a scenic site centered on the valley view at the time. The mutual influence of Nammyeong School and Toegye School in the 16th and 17th centuries led to a scene in which the major figures of each school recognized pleasure as a culture of training, and a feeling of longing for the traces of past ancestors as the 18th century travel culture and the 19th century chaotic situation. In addition, the symbolic expression that usually appears is likely to have been recognized as a unworldly place, as the location of the immortal world is confirmed.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.1092-1100
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• 2015

This thesis is a part of a case study conducted in order to understand the trends of the 16th~17th century Cheongju region bigwigs, and has examined the life and academic stream of Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE (1553-1630) focused on the previous study, "The Great Family Genealogy of Ikjaegong of the Gyeongju LEE Family". Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE learned from his father Seomgye Jam LEE, and GiSEO, Ji-Hwa PARK from an early age, and based the basic orientation of his studies on one's moral and religious self one's moral and religious self'. This is how he became to emphasize "Sohak" (an introductory book of Confucianism for children), and he made an effort to realize the world of Neo-Confucianism by distributing the 'YEO's Hyangyak(Lue-shih-hsiang-yueeh : autonomic regulations of the district areas)' published on "Sohak". Furthermore, he made great effort in education of the Cheongju by regarding it as his own mission to teach young scholars, continuing on the footsteps of his father. Considering this, Seogye was not only a Confucian scholar that devoted himself to 'Sugi(moral training of himself', but was also a practical scholar that committed his sense of social responsibility in ' teaching' and 'governing the people, who greatly affected the academic world of the regional bigwigs of the Cheongju during the 17th century. Furthermore, Deuk-Yoon LEE was a member of the 'Nangseongpalhyeon(eight wise men of the Cheongju region) together with his disciple Deok-soo LEE, who performed a core role in establishing the 'Gihohakpa(Capital and Chungcheong province School)' and 'Hoseosarim(forest of scholars in Chungcheong province)' of the Cheongju region. As a main figure in establishing the Sinhang Confucian academy, he prepared the socio-economic basis for the 'Gihohakpa' to take place in the Cheongju, and by academically associating with Sagye Jang-Seng Kim without regarding their conflicting parties, he became the bridge in allowing his disciple, Deok-Soo LEE to associate with the academic stream and the 'Gihohakpa'. Through such roles, he allowed the relatively easy establishment of the 'Gihohakpa' and 'Hoseosarim', which continued to Jang-Seng KIM and Si-Yeol SONG, in order to prepare the basis and establish the strength of its basis in the Cheongju region from the late 17th century.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.121-140
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• 2007

Seowon(書院) is a representing institution in Choseon Dynasty not only educationally but also politically and economically. Due to the artificial crackdown by Daewon-gun in 1871 and destruction by wars, it is difficult to restore and interpret the Seowon accurately at present. It is well known that the 'Basic Form' of the Seowon consists of an inner court, enclosed by the rear gangdang (lecture hall), dongseo-jae (east and west dormitory), and the front munlu (gate pavilion or upper story bower for relaxation), represented by so called 'front-dormitory rear-lecture-hall type', that is, 'jeonjae hudang(前齋後堂) type'. However, it is overlooked that this Basic Form is a product of Youngnam School located only in Youngnam area. A different form, of 'front-lecture-hall rear-dormitory type', or 'jeonndang hujae(前堂後齋) type' is located only in Gyeonggi, Hoseo and Honam area. It has been wrongly analyzed that the type is a result of the later period, emphasizing the memorial service rather than the lecture itself, and worshipping loyalists than Confucian scholars. Analysis encompassing each Seowon architecture has been mistakenly made by historians as "deterioration" of the original educational purpose of the Seowon from the early period to the later period. This paper raises the fact that the form of jeondang hujae type has been established since the early period of Seowon in the 16th Century. It has a unique order of space itself. Here, the lecture hall faces toward sadang (shrine). The inner court, enclosed by east and west jae and the lecture hall, becomes the outer yard of the shrine, and as a result two main spaces of the shrine and lecture area is merged into one. While the munlu of the basic type encloses the inner court of the main area, the munlu of jeondang hujae type is located at the vicinity area. This paper reinterprets the jeondang hujae type not as a form coming out of degenerated period but as a type that belongs to a different Confucian school, the area of Kiho, and concludes that the Seowon is a product of political struggles between the two schools and of the local economical situation. Each school has maintained his own type of form, therefore the remaining Kiho Seowon architecture can be reevaluated.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.347-384
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• 2018

This paper has two goals: first, I will analyze the current research trend of studying the Nosa School, which is composed of Ki Jeongjin(1798~1879) and his students and then, provide with some tasks we have to solve. The Nosa Studies, which I suggest here, means the one that the scholarship and thought of Ki Jeongjin, one of the six masters and the representatives of neo- Confucianism in late Choson Korea, and all kinds of academic achievements, which had been succeeded and established by his students. Their diverse activities as well as scholarship play crucial roles in both modern Korean Confucianism and Dao Studies in late Choson Korea. Ki's core thought is a conclusion of various issues, which had been raised since Korean Confucianism of Toegye and Yukgok. Their diverse activities kicked into high gear after Ki's death can be understood as one of remarkable cases, which was how to be transformed by encounters with realities in modern Korea. Especially, some controversies and responses to practical issues that linked with their philosophical values of the Nosa Studies in Kiho school in early twentieth century will be a criterion to shed light on the identity of Korean Confucianism today. Thus, I will summarize the content of researches on the Nosa Studies, which begins to appear in the early-mid twentieth century, through an overview of the Nosa Studies, examine research results by dividing part by part, and provide with some prospects and tasks, which are based on what I mention above.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.21
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• pp.241-269
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• 2004

The purpose of this dissertation is to examine background of creation, composing method, and character of contents. was created by Kwon, Seop to reconfirm moral range of the Kiho-scholarship school and admire Kwon. Sang-ha (Kwon. Seop's uncle) through transmission of Kugok-ga when a custom handed down by Kwon, Sang-ha waned. This work, therefore, was composed of recollecting method describing each place of superb view relating to trace of life of Kwon, Sang-ha. In this work, the moralistic life of Kwon, Sang-ha don't appear directly. Hwangkangkugok, a fairyland where Kwon, Sang-ha lived in retirement. proves the moralistic life of Kwon, Sang-ha indirectly by describing his life as hermitian taste. Through this composing method and recognizant attitude, We know that was created for K won, Sang-ha, but it reveals Kwon, Seop' thought in life and it can be placed on prolongation with his work world.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.25 no.6
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• pp.17-25
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• 2016

Simgok Seowon is the commemorative shrine and academy established for scholar Jo Gwangjo (pen name : Jeongam). The shrine (sangnyangsik) and the east and west dormitories (Dongjae and Seojae) were built in 1636. The lecture hall, Imsimnu Pavilion, Sananggak and Munhyanggak buildings were built successively. Simgok Seowon is the only one that survived through the abolishment of seowon ordered by Regent Heungseon in the 19th century. The original seowon was renowned as a representative example showing the typical lecture hall in front and dormitory at the back (jeondanghujae) layout of the Giho School built in 1650. Two archaeological excavations were conducted in the lecture hall courtyard in 2004 and 2007~2008, which prompted debates the position of the dormitories in respect to the lecture hall, whether the dormitories should be placed in front, or at the back of the lecture hall. Simgok Seowon had been long known as a representative example of the lecture hall in front layout, but the excavations revealed contrasting evidence, suggesting the possibility for a dormitories in front layout. Recent studies and evidence show that the architecture of Simgok Seowon can be grouped into three phases. The first phase was when the shrine and both dormitories were built to the rear of the lecture hall, the second phase was when the lecture hall, Imsimnu Pavilion, Sananggak and Munhyanggak buildings were built, and lastly the third phase when the east, west dormitories were reconstructed in front of the lecture hall. The large scale construction of Simgok Seowon is related to the education based management of the academy by Doam Yi Jae, and the 17~18th century remains confirmed from the archaeological excavations are evidence of this. Remains for Imsimnu Pavilion, Sananggak, and Munhyanggak buildings have yet to be confirmed, and spaces to the south and east of the seowon are unidentified. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct investigations and research for the unexcavated spaces of the seowon, to conduct in-depth studies and for the effective adaptive re-use of the seowon.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.