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A review on the transmission aspect of Sangjwa chum and Omjung chum in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori (양주별산대놀이 상좌·옴중춤의 전승양상 고찰)

  • Park, In-Soo;Kim, Ji-Hoon
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.41
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    • pp.285-320
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    • 2020
  • This study aims to examine the processes of changes of the two main roles, Sangjwa(the young Buddist monk) chum and Omjung(the monk with a boil on his face) chum, performed in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori, on the basis of Chumsawi (dance-movement). Above all, having studied many artistic remains performed by Jo jong sun, Jung han gyu, Park jun seup, Kim sung tae from 1929 to 1942, two main roles, in which Geodeureum chum is now an essential part in almost all performances, were then played only in Kkaekki chum to Taryong Jangdan without performances of Geodeureum chum. In case of Sangjwa chum, players had performed ad libitum and without restraint only on the basis of five sorts of Kkaekki chum's movements. In Omjung chum, witty remarks along with the drama had become more important factors than dances. Let alone two main roles, other parts then also showed no big changes in dance performance. Performers just tried to maintain its slender existence within stifling atmosphere because of oppressions and restraints during the Japanese imperialism. After the restoration of independence in 1945, Kim sung tae and his disciples made a great effort on the restoration of Talnori. During the Korean war, many players also endeavored to keep a good track of Talnori, teaching and training their young followers. Especially performers such as Park jun seup, Park sang hwan, Kim sung tae, and Lee jang sun put much more efforts on restoring Talnori. From that time, Geodeureum chum began to appear in two main roles' performances. In Sangjwa's performances, Byeogsa ritual dance, which was performed to Taryong Jangdan, changed into performances to Yeombul Jangdan, and Kkaekki chum -originally slow and ritual dance, became very fast and active one. Geodeureum chum, called Yongteulim, was added in Omjung chum, so that dance had more important role in performance. Even at this time, dance movements were not clearly and completely organized and arranged, because Geodeureum chum's performance was not clearly defined as orderly dance movements but was regarded as just a movement. After Geodeureum chum being designated as a cultural treasure, Lee byeong kwon took over the task from Park sang hwan, Sangjwa chum's performer, so Geodeureum chum became much more well organzied, arranged and orderly. Geodeureum chum played by Sangjwa had almost the same order of scenes and movements as Geodeureum chum played by Yeonnip. Based on this performance, the order of dances and movements was consistently arranged and settled. Following Park jun seup's performances, Jangsam was more widely applied and used in Omjung chum than ever before, so Omjung chum became much more organized and arranged. Well-arranged Omjung chum had also almost the same dances and movements as Nojang chum's. Yeonnip and Nojang's performances were not directly and intentionally studied and applied to two main roles in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori. Players seemed to borrow those parts naturally through many times of performances. Through their persistent efforts, Jangdan and dance movements have more clearly and completely been organized, establied, and improved through many years' performances. And dance movement can be performed exactly to Jangdan, so we have more complete and orderly types of dance movements. Thanks to many performers' efforts, Sangjwa chum has been established as one that only top performer can play, and Omjung chum has become an integral part in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori.

Structural features and Diffusion Patterns of Gartner Hype Cycle for Artificial Intelligence using Social Network analysis (인공지능 기술에 관한 가트너 하이프사이클의 네트워크 집단구조 특성 및 확산패턴에 관한 연구)

  • Shin, Sunah;Kang, Juyoung
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.28 no.1
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    • pp.107-129
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    • 2022
  • It is important to preempt new technology because the technology competition is getting much tougher. Stakeholders conduct exploration activities continuously for new technology preoccupancy at the right time. Gartner's Hype Cycle has significant implications for stakeholders. The Hype Cycle is a expectation graph for new technologies which is combining the technology life cycle (S-curve) with the Hype Level. Stakeholders such as R&D investor, CTO(Chef of Technology Officer) and technical personnel are very interested in Gartner's Hype Cycle for new technologies. Because high expectation for new technologies can bring opportunities to maintain investment by securing the legitimacy of R&D investment. However, contrary to the high interest of the industry, the preceding researches faced with limitations aspect of empirical method and source data(news, academic papers, search traffic, patent etc.). In this study, we focused on two research questions. The first research question was 'Is there a difference in the characteristics of the network structure at each stage of the hype cycle?'. To confirm the first research question, the structural characteristics of each stage were confirmed through the component cohesion size. The second research question is 'Is there a pattern of diffusion at each stage of the hype cycle?'. This research question was to be solved through centralization index and network density. The centralization index is a concept of variance, and a higher centralization index means that a small number of nodes are centered in the network. Concentration of a small number of nodes means a star network structure. In the network structure, the star network structure is a centralized structure and shows better diffusion performance than a decentralized network (circle structure). Because the nodes which are the center of information transfer can judge useful information and deliver it to other nodes the fastest. So we confirmed the out-degree centralization index and in-degree centralization index for each stage. For this purpose, we confirmed the structural features of the community and the expectation diffusion patterns using Social Network Serice(SNS) data in 'Gartner Hype Cycle for Artificial Intelligence, 2021'. Twitter data for 30 technologies (excluding four technologies) listed in 'Gartner Hype Cycle for Artificial Intelligence, 2021' were analyzed. Analysis was performed using R program (4.1.1 ver) and Cyram Netminer. From October 31, 2021 to November 9, 2021, 6,766 tweets were searched through the Twitter API, and converting the relationship user's tweet(Source) and user's retweets (Target). As a result, 4,124 edgelists were analyzed. As a reult of the study, we confirmed the structural features and diffusion patterns through analyze the component cohesion size and degree centralization and density. Through this study, we confirmed that the groups of each stage increased number of components as time passed and the density decreased. Also 'Innovation Trigger' which is a group interested in new technologies as a early adopter in the innovation diffusion theory had high out-degree centralization index and the others had higher in-degree centralization index than out-degree. It can be inferred that 'Innovation Trigger' group has the biggest influence, and the diffusion will gradually slow down from the subsequent groups. In this study, network analysis was conducted using social network service data unlike methods of the precedent researches. This is significant in that it provided an idea to expand the method of analysis when analyzing Gartner's hype cycle in the future. In addition, the fact that the innovation diffusion theory was applied to the Gartner's hype cycle's stage in artificial intelligence can be evaluated positively because the Gartner hype cycle has been repeatedly discussed as a theoretical weakness. Also it is expected that this study will provide a new perspective on decision-making on technology investment to stakeholdes.

The Literary Investigation On Types and Cooking Method of Bap (Boiled Rice) During Joseon Dynasty($1400's{\sim}1900's$) (조선시대 밥류의 종류와 조리방법에 대한 문헌적 고찰(1400년대${\sim}1900$년대까지))

  • Bok, Hye-Ja
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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    • v.22 no.6
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    • pp.721-741
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    • 2007
  • 1. For the types of boiled rice, there were 1 type of bap, 1 type of jebap cooked with glutinous rice, 13 types of boiled rice cooked by mixing grains and nuts such as daemakban, somakban, jobap, cheongryangmiban, jobap, gijangbap, yulmubap, hyeonmibap, boribap and patmulbap as well as patbap, congbap, byeolbap and bambap etc as ogokbap. Also, there were 12 types of bap cooked by mixing herb medicinal ingredients such as cheongjeong, oban, boksungabap, gumeunsaekbap, hwanggukgamchobap, yeongeunbap, okjeongbap, gogumabap, dububap, samssibap, dorajibap, gamjabap, songibap and jukshilbap. There were 7 types bap cooked as unique one bowl dish at the present as bapby mixing fish, meat, shellfish and milk as ingredients are hwangtang, gyejanggukbap, janggukbap, gulbap, kimchibap, chusaban and bibimbap, etc and the types of bap that have been analyzed are 34 total. 2. For the food ingredients used in bap types 23 types of miscellaneous grains, 5 types of nuts and 11 types of meat, 6 types of fish, 35 types of vegetables, 2 types of fruit including pears or peaches were used. Garlic wasn't used perhaps because of it being boiled rice 3. Types of Sap by Cooking Methods. (1) The ssalbap was cooked by first boiling water, putting in rice grains and boiling hard to be cooked as overcooked bap (rice). (2) The japgokbap (boiled cereals) has used buckwheat, barley job's tear, etc to be boiled down by soaking the ones with large grains (beans) first in advance to be boiled down or cooked by crushing into fine pieces. The red bean, etc was boiled down in advance or placed at the bottom of pot by cutting into two pieces while jujube or nut was cut into three pieces to cook the bap by pouring a lot of water and mixing other ingredients. (3) The gukbap (soup boiled rice), etc were cooked by squeezing out the yellow chrysanthemum that has dried chrysanthemum to cook the boiled rice by putting in rice and gukbap, meat or bones, etc were boiled down for a long time and decorated with meat or wild greens by mixing the bap in the meat juice. For gulbap (oyster boiled rice), etc, it was cooked as ingredients were stir fried in advance or washed and put in when the bap was about half cooked. (4) For bibimbap (mixed boiled rice), after the bap was overcooked first with rice, the wild greens were mixed lightly with bap beforehand, then the wild greens, decorations and garnishings were laid above rice and red pepper powder was sprinkled. (5) Namchok leaves, etc were boiled to cook the boiled rice with rice after being cooled while namchok stem and leaves were pounded to make juice and cooked the bap with rice. The peach, lotus root and yams were cut into fine pieces to be put in together when rice was about half done. The bellflower was soaked in water to be boiled down for a long time while potatoes and pine mushrooms, etc were cut into fine pieces to cook the bap (boiled rice) with rice.

Occurrence and Chemical Composition of Ti-bearing Minerals from Drilling Core (No.04-1) at Gubong Au-Ag Deposit Area, Republic of Korea (구봉 금-은 광상일대 시추코아(04-1)에서 산출되는 함 티타늄 광물들의 산상과 화학조성)

  • Bong Chul Yoo
    • Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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    • v.36 no.3
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    • pp.185-197
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    • 2023
  • The Gubong Au-Ag deposit consists of eight lens-shaped quartz veins. These veins have filled fractures along fault zones within Precambrian metasedimentary rock. This has been one of the largest deposits in Korea, and is geologically a mix of orogenic-type and intrusion-related types. Korea Mining Promotion Corporation drilled into a quartz vein (referred to as the No. 6 vein) with a width of 0.9 m and a grade of 27.9 g/t Au at a depth of -728 ML by drilling (No. 90-12) in the southern site of the deposit, To further investigate the potential redevelopment of the No. 6 vein, another drilling (No. 04-1) was carried out in 2004. In 2004, samples (wallrock, wallrock alteration and quartz vein) were collected from the No. 04-1 drilling core site to study the occurrence and chemical composition of Ti-bearing minerals (ilmenite, rutile). Rutile from mineralized zone at a depth of -275 ML occur minerals including K-feldspar, biotite, quartz, calcite, chlorite, pyrite in wallrock alteration zone. Ilmenite and rutile from ore vein (No. 6 vein) at a depth of -779 ML occur minerals including white mica, chlorite, apatite, zircon, quartz, calcite, pyrrhotite, pyrite in wallrock alteration zone and quartz vein. Based on mineral assemblage, rutile was formed by hydrothermal alteration (chloritization) of Ti-rich biotite in the wallrock. Chemical composition of ilmenite has maximum values of 0.09 wt.% (HfO2), 0.39 wt.% (V2O3) and 0.54 wt.% (BaO). Comparing the chemical composition of rutile at a depth -275 ML and -779 ML, Rutile at a depth of -779 ML is higher contents (WO3, FeO and BaO) than rutile at a depth of -275 ML. The substitutions of rutile at a depth of -275 ML and -779 ML are as followed : rutile at a depth of -275 ML Ba2+ + Al3+ + Hf4+ + (Nb5+, Ta5+) ↔ 3Ti4+ + Fe2+, 2V4+ + (W5+, Ta5+, Nb5+) ↔ 2Ti4+ + Al3+ + (Fe2+, Ba2+), Al3+ + V4++ (Nb5+, Ta5+) ↔ 2Ti4+ + 2Fe2+, rutile at a depth of -779 ML 2 (Fe2+, Ba2+) + Al3+ + (W5+, Nb5+, Ta5+) ↔ 2Ti4+ + (V4+, Hf4+), Fe2+ + Al3+ + Hf 4+ + (W5+, Nb5+, Ta5+) ↔ 2Ti4+ + V4+ + Ba2+, respectively. Based on these data and chemical composition of rutiles from orogenic-type deposits, rutiles from Gubong deposit was formed in a relatively oxidizing environment than the rutile from orogenictype deposits (Unsan deposit, Kori Kollo deposit, Big Bell deposit, Meguma gold-bearing quartz vein).

The Establishment of Seongjusa Temple and the Production of Iron Buddhas (성주사 창건과 철불 조성 연구)

  • Kang Kunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.10-39
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    • 2023
  • Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.

An Archaeological Review of the Inscribed Bricks Excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui: A Focus on the Collection of the National Museum of Korea (장무이묘 출토 명문전(銘文塼)의 고고학적 검토 -국립중앙박물관 소장품을 중심으로)

  • Lee Nakyung
    • Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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    • v.1
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    • pp.36-73
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    • 2024
  • The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.

Dreams of Admiral Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598) in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) and Some Aspects of His Personality: From Jungian Viewpoint (≪난중일기≫에서 본 이순신의 꿈과 인격의 몇 가지 측면: 분석심리학적 입장에서)

  • Bou-Yong Rhi
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.37 no.2
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    • pp.99-148
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    • 2022
  • This study aims at the psychological elucidation of some conscious aspects of the personality of Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598), the Korean national hero, and the unconscious teleologic meanings of his dreams mentioned in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) from the viewpoint of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung. Yi Sun-sin was a man of discipline, incorporated with the spirit of Confucian filial piety, hyo (hsiao) and royalty, chung. He was a stern man but with a warm heart. In his diary, Yi Sun-sin poured forth his feelings of suffering, despair, and extreme solicitude caused by slanders of his political opponents, his grief for the loss of mother and son, and his worries about the fate of his country, which the Japanese invaders now plundered. The moon night offered him the opportunity to touch with his inner soul, by reciting poems, playing Korean string, 'Keomungo', and flute. Further, he widened his scope by asking for the answers from the 'Heaven' through divination and dream. Yi Sun-sin's attitude toward his mother who raised the future hero and maternal principles were considered in concern with the Jungian term 'mother complex'. Won Gyun, Yi Sun-sin's rival admiral, who persistently accused Yi Sun-sin of 'slanders,' certainly represents the unconscious shadow image of Yi Sun-sin. The reciprocal 'shadow' projection has intervened in the conflicting relationship between Yi and Won. In concern to the argument for the suicidal death of Yi Sun-sin, the author found no evidence supporting such an argument, No trace of latent suicidal wish was found in his dreams. For Yi Sun-sin, the determination of the life and death depends on Heaven. 32 dreams from the diary and 3 from other historical references were reviewed and analyzed in the Jungian way. Symbols of anima, Self, and individuation process were found. His dream repeatedly suggests that Yi Sun-sin is an extraordinary man chosen by the divine man (神人). In the dream, Yi Sun-sin was a disciple of the divine man receiving instructions on various strategies, and he alone could see the great thing or events. The dream of a beautiful blue and red dragon, whom he was friendly touching, indicates Yi Sun-sin's eligibility for the kingship. Yi Sun-sin seemingly did not aware of this message of the unconscious. Perhaps he sensed something special but did not identify with 'the disciple of gods' and 'royal dragon' in his dream. His modest attitude toward the dream has prevented him from falling into ego inflation. There were warning signals in two dreams that suggested disorders in the dreamer's instinctive feminine drive. Spirits of the dead father and brothers appear in the dream, giving advice or mourning for the death of Sun-sin's mother. Though Yi Sun-sin was a genuine Confucian gentleman, a dream revealed his unconscious drive to destroy the Confucian authoritative 'Persona' by trampling down the cylindrical traditional Korean hat. To the dreams of synchronicity phenomena Yi Sun-sin immediately solves the problem in concrete reality. He understood dreams as valuable messages from the superior entity, for example, the Confucian Heaven (天) or Heaven's Decree (天命). Furthermore, the 'Heaven' presumably arranged for him the way to the national hero and imposed necessary trials upon him. Both his persecutors and advocates of him guided him in the way of a hero. Yi Sun-sin followed his destiny and completed the living myth of the hero. His mother, King Seon-jo, and prime minister Liu Seong Yong, all have contributed to embodying the myth of the hero. Yi Sun-sin died and became god, the divine healer of the nation.

The Content and Risk Assessment of Heavy Metals and Sulfur Dioxide in Herbs for Food and Medicine in Seoul Area (2019-2023) (서울지역 식약공용 농·임산물의 중금속과 이산화황 함량 및 위해성 평가(2019-2023))

  • Sung-Hee Han;So-Hyun Park;Ji-Hye Kim;Hyun-Jung Jang;Ae-Kyung Kim;Ji-Hun Jung;Eun-Sun Yun;Ju-Sung Park
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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    • v.39 no.4
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    • pp.322-334
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    • 2024
  • This study investigated the content of heavy metals (Pb, Cd, As, and Hg) and SO2 and conducted a risk assessment of 1,340 samples of 60 herbs used for food and medicine in Seoul between 2019 and 2023. The analysis was performed using inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP-MS), a mercury analyzer, and the Monier-Williams method. The mean values and ranges of the heavy metals were as follows: Pb, 0.327 mg/kg (not detectable [ND]-36.933); Cd, 0.083 mg/kg (ND-1.700); As, 0.075 mg/kg (ND-2.200); and Hg, 0.004 mg/kg (ND-0.047). Pb exceeded the permissible limit of 36.933 mg/kg in one sample of Poria Sclerotium. Cd exceeded the permissible limit of 1.700 mg/kg and 0.650 mg/kg in the two samples of Chrysanthemi Zawadskii Herba. The mean and range of SO2 was 0.75 mg/kg (ND-192.00), with two samples of Gastrodiae Rhizoma exceeding the permissible limit at 192.00 mg/kg and 42.00 mg/kg. Pb was highest in the perithecium (1.377 mg/kg), followed by Cd in the cortex (0.156 mg/kg) and caulis (0.144 mg/kg), As in leaves (0.149 mg/kg), and Hg in the herba (0.009 mg/kg) and leaves (0.009 mg/kg). SO2 was the highest in the rhizomes (4.12 mg/kg). The Pb, Cd, and Hg levels did not differ significantly between the domestic, Chinese, and imported products; however, As and SO2 levels were the highest in the Chinese products. As a result of the risk assessment, all the margins of exposure (MOE) values of Pb, except for Poria Sclerotium, were ≥1, indicating that most samples were safe. The hazard index (HI) for Cd, As, and Hg were <100%, indicating a safety level for food and medicine. In addition, the HI for SO2 did not exceed 1 for any of the items, indicating safe levels.

The Effect of Pressure Support on Respiratory Mechanics in CPAP and SIMV (CPAP 및 SIMV Mode하에서 Pressure Support 사용이 호흡역학에 미치는 효과)

  • Lim, Chae-Man;Jang, Jae-Won;Choi, Kang-Hyun;Lee, Sang-Do;Koh, Youn-Suck;Kim, Woo-Sung;Kim, Dong-Soon;Kim, Won-Dong;Park, Pyung-Whan;Choi, Jong-Moo
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.42 no.3
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    • pp.351-360
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    • 1995
  • Background: Pressure support(PS) is becomimg a widely accepted method of mechanical ventilation either for total unloading or for partial unloading of respiratory muscle. The aim of the study was to find out if PS exert different effects on respiratory mechanics in synchronized intermittent mandatory ventilation(SIMV) and continuous positive airway pressure (CPAP) modes. Methods: 5, 10 and 15 cm $H_2O$ of PS were sequentially applied in 14 patients($69{\pm}12$ yrs, M:F=9:5) and respiratory rate (RR), tidal volume($V_T$), work of breathing(WOB), pressure time product(PTP), $P_{0.1}$, and $T_1/T_{TOT}$ were measured using the CP-100 pulmonary monitor(Bicore, USA) in SIMV and CPAP modes respectively. Results: 1) Common effects of PS on respiratory mechanics in both CPAP and SIMV modes As the level of PS was increased(0, 5, 10, 15 cm $H_2O$), $V_T$ was increased in CPAP mode($0.28{\pm}0.09$, $0.29{\pm}0.09$, $0.31{\pm}0.11$, $0.34{\pm}0.12\;L$, respectively, p=0.001), and also in SIMV mode($0.31{\pm}0.15$, $0.32{\pm}0.09$, $0.34{\pm}0.16$, $0.36{\pm}0.15\;L$, respectively, p=0.0215). WOB was decreased in CPAP mode($1.40{\pm}1.02$, $1.01{\pm}0.80$, $0.80{\pm}0.85$, $0.68{\pm}0.76$ joule/L, respectively, p=0.0001), and in SIMV mode($0.97{\pm}0.77$, $0.76{\pm}0.64$, $0.57{\pm}0.55$, $0.49{\pm}0.49$ joule/L, respectively, p=0.0001). PTP was also decreased in CPAP mode($300{\pm}216$, $217{\pm}165$, $179{\pm}187$, $122{\pm}114cm$ $H_2O{\cdot}sec/min$, respectively, p=0.0001), and in SIMV mode($218{\pm}181$, $178{\pm}157$, $130{\pm}147$, $108{\pm}129cm$ $H_2O{\cdot}sec/min$, respectively, p=0.0017). 2) Different effects of PS on respiratory mechanics in CP AP and SIMV modes By application of PS (0, 5, 10, 15 cm $H_2O$), RR was not changed in CPAP mode($27.9{\pm}6.7$, $30.0{\pm}6.6$, $26.1{\pm}9.1$, $27.5{\pm}5.7/min$, respectively, p=0.505), but it was decreased in SIMV mode ($27.4{\pm}5.1$, $27.8{\pm}6.5$, $27.6{\pm}6.2$, $25.1{\pm}5.4/min$, respectively, p=0.0001). $P_{0.1}$ was reduced in CPAP mode($6.2{\pm}3.5$, $4.8{\pm}2.8$, $4.8{\pm}3.8$, $3.9{\pm}2.5\;cm$ $H_2O$, respectively, p=0.0061), but not in SIMV mode($4.3{\pm}2.1$, $4.0{\pm}1.8$, $3.5{\pm}1.6$, $3.5{\pm}1.9\;cm$ $H_2O$, respectively, p=0.054). $T_1/T_{TOT}$ was decreased in CPAP mode($0.40{\pm}0.05$, $0.39{\pm}0.04$, $0.37{\pm}0.04$, $0.35{\pm}0.04$, respectively, p=0.0004), but not in SIMV mode($0.40{\pm}0.08$, $0.35{\pm}0.07$, $0.38{\pm}0.10$, $0.37{\pm}0.10$, respectively, p=0.287). 3) Comparison of respiratory mechanics between CPAP+PS and SIMV alone at same tidal volume. The tidal volume in CPAP+PS 10 cm $H_2O$ was comparable to that of SIMV alone. Under this condition, the RR($26.1{\pm}9.1$, $27.4{\pm}5.1/min$, respectively, p=0.516), WOB($0.80{\pm}0.85$, 0.97+0.77 joule/L, respectively, p=0.485), $P_{0.1}$($3.9{\pm}2.5$, $4.3{\pm}2.1\;cm$ $H_2O$, respectively, p=0.481) were not different between the two methods, but PTP($179{\pm}187$, $218{\pm}181 cmH_2O{\cdot}sec/min$, respectively, p=0.042) and $T_1/T_{TOT}$($0.37{\pm}0.04$, $0.40{\pm}0.08$, respectively, p=0.026) were significantly lower in CPAP+PS than in SIMV alone. Conclusion: PS up to 15 cm $H_2O$ increased tidal volume, decreased work of breathing and pressure time product in both SIMV and CPAP modes. PS decreased respiration rate in SIMV mode but not in CPAP mode, while it reduced central respiratory drive($P_{0.1}$) and shortened duty cycle ($T_1/T_{TOT}$) in CPAP mode but not in SIMV mode. By 10 em $H_2O$ of PS in CPAP mode, same tidal volume was obtained as in SIMV mode, and both methods were comparable in respect to RR, WOB, $P_{0.1}$, but CPAP+PS was superior in respect to the efficiency of the respiratory muscle work (PTP) and duty cycle($T_1/T_{TOT}$).

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The Difference in Chemokine Expression in Airway Epithelial Cells According to the Virulence of Tubercle Bacilli (결핵균 독성 여부에 따른 기도 상피세포의 Chemokine 발현에 관한 연구)

  • Kwon, O-Jung;Kim, Ho-Joong;Kim, Jung-Hee;Kim, Ho-Cheol;Suh, Gee-Young;Park, Jeong-Woong;Park, Sang-Joon;Chung, Man-Pyo;Choi, Dong-Chull;Rhee, Chong-H.
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.44 no.4
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    • pp.729-741
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    • 1997
  • Background : We have recently reported that airway epithelial cells can produce RANTES and IL-8 in response to the stimulation of tubercle bacilli suggesting a certain role of airway epithelial cells in the pathogenesis of pulmonary tuberculosis. The pathogenesis of tuberculosis is determined by several factors including phagocytosis, immunological response of host, and virulence of tubercle bacilli. Interestingly, there have been reports suggesting that difference in immunological response of host according to the virulence of tubercle bacilli may be related with the pathogenesis of tuberculosis. We, therefore, studied the expressions and productions of RANTES and IL-8 in airway epithelial cells in response to tubercle bacilli(H37Rv, virulent strain and H37Ra, avirulent strain), in order to elucidate the possible pathophysiology of pulmonary tuberculosis. Methods : Peripheral blood monocytes were isolated from normal volunteers. Peripheral blood monocytes (PBM) were stimulated with LPS($10{\mu}g/ml$), H37Rv, or H37Ra($5{\times}10^5$ bacilli/well) along with normal control for 24 hours. A549 cells were stimulated with supernatants of cultured PBM for 24 hours. ELISA kit was used for the measurement of $TNF{\alpha}$ and IL-$1{\beta}$ production in supernatants of cultured PBM and for the measurement of RANTES and IL-8 in supernatants of cultured A549 cells. Northern blot analysis was used for the measurement of RANTES and IL-8 mRNA expression in cultured A549 cells. Results : $TNF{\alpha}$ and IL-$1{\beta}$ productions were increased in cultured PBM stimulated with LPS or tubercle bacilli(H37Rv or H37Ra) compared with the control. There was, however, no difference in $TNF{\alpha}$ and IL-$1{\beta}$ production between cultured PBM stimulated with H37Rv and H37Ra. RANTES and IL-8 expressions and productions were also increased in cultured A549 cells stimulated with LPS or tubercle bacilli compared with the control. RANTES and IL-8 mRNA expressions were significantly increased in cultured A549 cells stimulated with H37Ra-conditioned media(CM) compared with A549 cells stimulated with H37Rv-CM (p<0.05). However, there was no difference in RANTES and IL-8 productions between A549 cells stimulated with H37Rv-CM and H37Ra-CM. Conclusion : Airway epithelial cells can produce the potent chemokines such as RANTES and IL-8, in response to the stimulation of tubercle bacilli. These results suggest that airway epithelial cells may play a certain role in the pathogenesis of pulmonary tuberculosis. However, the role of airway epithelial cells in the pathogenesis of tuberculosis according to the virulence of tubercle bacilli was not clear in this study.

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