• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.146-165
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• 2016

With the introduction of the system of recognizing masters of craft and performance skills in 1970, the principle of "preserving the original form," which was already in general use, was adopted as a legal principle in the Cultural Heritage Protection Act. While the concept "original form" can be related to tangible elements of heritage through the Act, the intangibility of craft and performance skills does not allow their pinpointing at a particular temporal period or the identification of a particular master from the past as the basis of an original form. Therefore, those craft or performance skills that are available at the point of recognition of relevant masters must serve as the basis of the original form for the intangible heritage concerned. This means that the principle of preserving the original form of intangible heritage has been implemented not based on a fundamental form of materiality, but rather on the craft or performance skills that may be held by a master at the time of his/her recognition as a "temporary original form." This principle has been observed through intangible heritage transmission and education policies for recognized masters and their trainees, contributing to establish an elitist transmission environment in which public were denied to join the education on intangible heritage. Even with policies guided by the principle of preserving the original form, designated craft and performance skills have been transformed contingent upon given social and environmental conditions, thus hindering the preservation of the original form. Despite the intrinsic limitations of the principle of preserving the original form when applied to intangible heritage, this principle has served as a practical guideline for protecting traditional Korean culture from external influences such as modernization and Westernization, and also as an ultimate goal for the safeguarding of intangible heritage, engendering actual policy effects. The Act on the Safeguarding and Promotion of Intangible Cultural Heritage that comes into effect in March 2016 takes the constantly evolving nature of intangible heritage into consideration and resultantly adopts a concept of "essential form" (jeonhyeong) in place of "original form" (wonhyeong). This new concept allows for any transformations that may take place in the environment surrounding the intangible heritage concerned, and is intended to mitigate the rigidity of the concept of "original form." However, it should be noted that "essential form," which is manifested as the unique significance, knowledge, and skills delivered by the intangible heritage concerned, should be maintained according to the guidelines and principles related to heritage conservation. Therefore, the new concept can be understood not as a rupture, but more as a continuum of the concept of "original form."

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.1-19
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• 2021

This study reports the Ar-Ar dating results for the volcanic rocks from small volcanoes(oreum) of the Hallasan Nature Reserve. According to the age of 40Ar/39Ar, the volcanic activity of the Hallasan Natural Reserve was started from about 192 ka ago. The basaltic trachyandesite and trachyte located in the Y valley near the Eorimok in the western part of the Hallasan Natural Reserve represent an age of about 191~192 ka, showing the oldest record of volcanic activity in the Hallasan Natural Reserve. In the Hallasan Natural Reserve, the small volcanoes older than 100 ka are Y Valley in Eorimok area (192±5 and 191±5 ka), Dongsu-Ak (184±19 ka), Mansedongsan (153±5 ka), Janggumok-Orum (135±6 ka), Eoseungsaengak (123±9 ka), Samgagbong (105±2 ka). And the small volcanoes younger than 100 ka are Witbangae-Oreum, Seongneol-Oreum, Muljangol, Yeongsil, Bori-Ak, Witsenueun-Oreum, Witsejokeun-Oreum, Heugbuleun-Oreum, Bangae-Oreum, Albangae-Oreum, Witsebuleun-Oreum, Baengnokdam, Nongo-Ak. According to the eruption of trachytes, the Hallasan Natural Reserve can be interpreted as having about 8 volcanic activities. Among them, 4 volcanic activities are related with the formation of trachyte dome, such as Wanggwanneung, Samgakbong, Yeongsil, and Baengnokdam, and 4 volcanic activities are related with flow or dyke of trachyte. The volcanic activity at the Hallasan Natural Reserve was started from northwest area, to in the southern area, and in the eastern area, and finally volcanic activity related to the formation of Baengnokdam.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.78-97
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• 2021

Seojangdaeyajodo is a drawing of military night training on February 12th (lunar leap month), 1795. Focusing on the Seojangdaeyajodo, the characteristics and of the costumes worn by various types of officials were examined. There were 34 officials located near King Jeongjo in and around Seojangdae, with 27 Dangsanggwan and 7 Danghagwan. They wore three types of costumes, including armor, yungbok, and military uniforms. All of the twelve armor wearers and the five officials wearing yungbok were dangsanggwan, and the military uniform wearers included eleven dangsanggwan and six danghagwan. For the shape of the armor, the armor relics of General Yeoban, suitable for riding horses, and the armor painting of Muyedobotongji were referenced, and the composition of the armor was based on practicality. The armor consists of a helmet, a suit of armor, a neck guard, armpit guards, arm guards, and a crotch guard. The color of the armor was red and green, which are the most frequently used colors in Seojangdaeyajodo. The composition of yungbok was jurip, navy cheollik, red gwangdahoe, socks made of leather, and suhwaja. The composition of the military uniform was a lined jeolrip, dongdari, jeonbok, yodae, jeondae, and suhwaja. There were differences in the fabrics used in dangsanggwan and danghagwan military uniforms. Dangsanggwan used fabric with depictions of clouds and jewels, and danghagwan used unpatterned fabric. Moreover, jade, gold, and silver were used for detailed ornamental materials in dangsanggwan. The weapons included bows and a bow case, a sword, a rattan stick, wrist straps, and a ggakji. In the records of the King Jeongjo period, various colored heopsu were mentioned; the colors of the dongdari and jeonbok of dangsanggwan and danghagwan were referenced in various colors. It was presented as an illustration of costumes that could be used to produce objects accurately reflecting the above historical results. The basic principle of the illustration was to present the modeling standards for 3D content production. Samples of form, color, and material of the corresponding times and statuses were presented. The front, the side, and the back of each costume and its accessories were presented, and the colors were presented in RGB and CMYK.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.52-69
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• 2021

The transcriptions of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty are more elaborate and splendid than those of any other period and occupy a very important position in Korean bibliography. Among them, the transcriptions made on indigo paper show decorative features that represent the dignity and quality that nobles would have preferred. Particularly, during the Goryeo Dynasty, a large number of transcriptions were made on indigo paper, often in hand-scrolled and folded forms. If flexibility was not guaranteed, the hand-scrolled form caused inconvenience and damage when handling the transcription because of the structural limitations of the material that is rolled up and opened. It was possible to overcome these shortcomings by changing from the hand-scrolled to the folded form to obtain convenience and structural stability. The folded form of the transcription utilizes the same principle as the folding screen, so it is a structure that can be folded and unfolded, and it is made by connecting parts at regularly spaced intervals. No matter how small the transcription is, if it is made of thin paper, it is difficult to handle it and to maintain its shape and structure. For this reason, the folded transcription was usually made of thick paper to support the structure, and the cover was made thicker than the inner part to protect the contents. In other words, the forded form was generally manufactured to suit the characteristics of maintaining strength by making the paper thick. Because a large amount of indigo paper was needed to make this type of transcription, it is assumed that there were craftsmen who were in charge only of dark dyeing the papers. Usually, paper dyeing requires much more dye than silk dyeing, and dyeing dozens of times would be required to obtain the deep indigo color of the base of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty. Unfortunately, there is no record of the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo blue paper manufacturing technique, and the craftsmen who made indigo paper no longer remain, so no one knows the exact method of making indigo paper. Recently, Hanji artisans, natural dyers, and conservators attempted to restore the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo paper, but the texture and deep colors found in the relics could not be reproduced. This study introduces the process of restoring indigo paper in the Goryeo Dynasty through collaboration between dyeing artisans, Hanji artisans, and conservators for conservation of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the late Goryeo dynasty, yielding a suggested method of making indigo paper.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.37-42
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• 2021

Munseom (Island) is known as the largest native Elaeocarpus sylvestris var. ellipticus in Korea. Recently, disease damage from the E. sylvestris var. ellipticus community has been reported in Munseom. This study was conducted to understand the damage situation and growth characteristics of the E. sylvestris var. ellipticus population in Munseom. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the spontaneous regeneration potential of the community by grasping the characteristics of the population of surviving E. sylvestris var. ellipticus individuals, and to discuss ways to restore native habitats. A total population survey was conducted to determine the distribution status of E. sylvestris var. ellipticus individuals. The field survey carefully recorded the height of tree, DBH, DRH, and growing status, along with GPS location information of the individual. The growth status of E. sylvestris var. ellipticus individuals distributed in Munseom and the characteristics of tree height, DBH, DRH of each individual were analyzed. The total number of E. sylvestris var. ellipticus populations identified in Munseom was 293. The dense E. sylvestris var. ellipticus community reported in 2005 has been identified as being greatly damaged or damaged. In particular, the damage was more serious in mature trees with a height of 6m or more forming the canopy layer in the forest, and it was confirmed that 80.6% of the mature trees died. In the growth characteristics of the old-growth tree, which is an indicator of the health of the forest based on DRH, 75.4% died or the growth condition was found to be poor. In order to restore the native habitat of E. sylvestris var. ellipticus in Munseom, conservation efforts such as pest control, preservation of mature trees, control of the territory of young trees, and reintroduction after ex-situ transplantation etc. are considered necessary.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.87-102
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to develop regional dance contents in order to receive attention from the region and re-illuminate the peacock fan, the intangible cultural property of Seocheon, Chungnam, which has been preserved in history and has been preserved in the face of rapid urbanization and modernization. The representative four series are composed of one-person dance, two-person dance, military dance, and creative dance. The titles of each piece are basic dance , male and female love dance , military dance , and finally Korean creative dance . The commonality of the four series is the traditional dance using peacock fan, and each dance showed unique emotion and atmosphere through different themes and music, costumes, and stages. It was found that the development of regional dance contents re-created reflecting the characteristics of regional cultural heritage should create an environment that can be steadily revitalized through modernization. Through this study, it was found that the intangible cultural properties, which are our traditional cultural resources, have unlimited potential to contribute to enhancing regional and national competitiveness along with the growth potential of regional differentiation. Through such research, if existing cultural resources are preserved for globalization and produced as contents that can be easily accessed by the public, various contents besides regional dance using regional unique culture can be developed and utilized.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.102-118
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• 2022

Gyeongju, the capital of Silla, is the very essence of the culture and technology of the thousand-year-reign of Silla. However, few studies have been conducted on the landscape sites of the capital of Silla other than Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond, due to the lack of related data. Therefore, this study examined the construction characteristics and nature of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, whose complete appearance was identified through excavation following Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond. Since the excavation of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, Gyeongju, there have been disagreements in academia as to whether it is a palace pond or a temple pond of Bunhwangsa Temple. Considering the unique characteristic of the garden pond that it is divided into two periods, it was interpreted that it would have functioned as a ritual facility related to Ryong (oriental dragon) belief in the 6th to 7th centuries, the first period, and as a garden pond with enhanced landscaping functions in the 8th to 9th centuries, the second period. In addition, it is highly probable that it was the site of Cheongyeongung Palace (青淵宮) and Jochujeong Pavilion (造秋亭) mentioned in the literature records. The "ㄹ"- shaped waterway, a characteristic facility of the first period, was found; however, considering its width and depth, it is insufficient to conclude that it was a simple drainage facility. Rather, it is more likely that it functioned as a passageway for the conceptual entry of Ryong during Ryong rituals. Furthermore, some have suggested that it may have been a ceremony-related Yusang-goksu (流觴曲水) facility. These facilities related to Ryong rituals were reorganized in the second period. Specifically, the nature of the garden pond was changed centered on the landscaping function in connection with the addition of a curved revetment, garden stone, and pavilion buildings, and the dismantlement of the "ㄹ"-shaped waterway and hexagonal building. As for nature, it can be regarded as a royal facility in terms of decorative elements including the ritual function of the first period and the gwimyeonwa (ghost face tiles) of the second period. Judging from the fact that the upper part of the embankment adjacent to the west side of the site was removed, it is very apparent that the main building was located on the upper part of the embankment. There would not have been a large-scale building site because it served the functions of ritual and recreation, rather than being the residence of the king.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.