• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.4-29
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to grasp the commencement date of Korean-type bronze dagger through the chronology of Chinese data. It focuses on the fact that the same section polishing technique appears both in Korean type bronze dagger and Dongzhou type bronze dagger. Dongzhou type bronze dagger in Anqiu Shandong, in which A1 type section polishing technique is observed, was said to have been collected remains in 1958, but the clear excavation cannot be identified. Therefore, this study presents Tomb No.1 Zuojiawa Jinan, Dongzhou type bronze dagger, and associated products. As associated products, bronze weapon and bronze ware were excavated, whose periods are estimated to be in the Spring and Autumn period, the transition period of Warring States, and the former part of the China's Warring States. Accordingly, the Korean bronze dagger, excavated in the remains of the Han Peninsula appears to have run parallel with the Dongzhou type bronze dagger of the A1 type section polishing technique, excavated in China for a fixed period. In addition, the chronology of Tomb No. 61MI grave in Wanrongmiaoqian, Shanxi is estimated to range from the former part to the middle part of the China's Warring States, which is identified to be connected to the A1 type section polishing technique. Examining the data of the relative date, we can find out that the Commencement Period of the Korean type bronze dagger Culture is seen to be the transition period and the former part of the China's Warring States, which is estimated to be the 5th and 4th centuries BC. This chronology is followed by Tomb No.6512 Zhengjiawazi Shenyang, recorded as the 6th century B.C. which reveals that Liaoning type bronze dagger culture and Korean-typed Bronze Dagger Culture are naturally connected. Furthermore, the A1 type section polishing technique was distributed in the southwestern area of the Korean peninsula and Shandong, China, while the A2 type section polishing technique was distributed in the southern area of the Korean peninsula, Shanxi-Province in China, and Northern Kyushu region in Japan. Seen from the weapon-shaped bronze ware of the section polishing technique, Shanxi area(Central Plains area), China. the southwestern area of the Korean peninsula (northwest area), and Northern Kyushu region in Japan are set up as one traffic road(spreading route). This demonstrates that the section polishing technique emerged around the Han Peninsular, spreading the technique regionally.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.141
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• pp.43-62
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• 2017

The main purpose of this paper is to survey the debates between Searle and Smith over the problem of "freestanding Y terms" in Searle's conception of social reality, and offer a viable solution, drawing on the experientialist conception of symbolic experience. Smith raises the problem of "freestanding Y term" against Searle's formula "X counts as Y in C" that there may be some cases where we cannot identify an X term to which an Y term refers. In case of an abstract concept such as equity, we may not find exactly what it stands for. That is, we cannot identify exactly what(X term) counts as equity. If there is nothing like an X for Y term, we can regard anything as equity, which may disrupt Searle's formula. Understandably, Smith does not say that the problem dismantles Searle's whole conception of social reality. Instead, Smith intends to show that Searle's formula is neither complete nor specific enough. Apparently, Searle admits that there may be freestanding Y terms and tries to articulate it within his formula, which does not seem to work. I suggest that the experientialist account of symbolic experience may serve to dissolve Smith's challenge, without modifying Searle's original formula. According to the experientialist conception of symbolization, we symbolically map some portion of our experience onto a physical object, which serves as a signifier, and we then understand and experience the signifier "in terms of" the mapped portion of experience. Thus, we experience certain buildings and some relevant people, say students, staffs, and professors in terms of "university." The status functions of university have been created by means of symbolic mappings, which change the way we understand and experience the buildings and people. In this picture, there need not be any notions such as "one-to-one correspondence" between X terms and Y terms. In this way, Searle may maintain his original formula, while dissolving, not answering, Smith's challenge. What Searle needs is a more appropriate theory of symbolization, part of which has been articulated by the experientialist account of symbolic experience.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.151-180
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• 2018

Since the completion of the theories on human ethics and moral had been established to pursue by Confucian thinkers like Confucius and Mencius, they generally had agreed to present the basic principles for human education which every human could be the sage. In these principles for human ethics and morality there is on the premise that the knowledge about your own ethical and that the completion of the so-called act(爲) and learning(學). They had given to us that how to get a goal for the ethical and moral lives there are several academic oriented methodology will have act and learning set. In the point of achieving complete figures which act and learning for good society, there was named the sage(聖). This concept sage has two major types. One is on for the political figures that completed, and the other one is for the realm of academic side. Confucian as above mentioned the moral human being is equipped with a complete personality and political ability to make man and society perfect. Confucius has been understood as a complete human being. Yes, ideal for these two types of figures will be fulfilled in some way? They take a mystical ability to a priori or a posteriori, such as human effort can reach the sage. There are many thinkers are obvious and logical answer for this major problem in the system of confucian philosophy I have been trying. About the sage(聖), inherently natural learning(生知) occur to the position sage or knowledge (學知), can lead to there are two of the doctrine for that problem. With the study of learning and knowledge on human beings and real society the two systems concerned together. In fact, the main content of the "Analects of Confucius" we have a set of ethical and moral values not the benevolent conversation about Jin(仁) and his disciples a steady emphasis but on in praise of learning (學) for. However, at the time in Han Tang(漢唐) Han Wi(韓愈) and Wang Chung(王充), according to such thinkers the sage is already a priori determined, cannot be reached by human effort. But At the beginning of the Neo-Confucianism, Cheng I(程?) for the pioneer this Song(宋) scholars, regarding this issue could rebirth the thought that every human could be the sage through the learning as the pre-Chin(先秦) times.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.385-414
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• 2018

In this article, the women as the subject of the family management in the 19th century cataclysm, In particular, I tried to reconstruct the specific life course of a woman who has a status as a jongbu(종부) in the Korean language through the Hangul letter. The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jongbu(종부) Gwangju Lee attempted to find her own unique identity, not the male-centered social order she had learned. Because she had to live a life outside the traditional environment of traditional society because her husband died at the beginning of her marriage. She perceived herself as an independent subject that she had to find and maintain. When Gwangju Lee married and came to the family of Haenam Yun, the economic power of jong-ga(종가) was much inclined. This economic difficulty was caused by the conflict with the slaves and the decrease of tallage(地代) to the change of the slavery system which was the social flow at that time. And uncles of her husband's intervention made the economic situation of the family more difficult. She established her position as a jongbu(종부) and used the right of Adoption option(입후권) of the jongbu(종부) to establish the impoverished family. She chose adoption from distant relatives who were not children of her husband's uncles. Therefore, I was free from her husband uncle's interests. She also believed that it was most important to take control of the economic interests of her family in order to secure her authority as a jongbu(종부). She believed that she had to exercise her economic rights in order to bring slave labor, which is the most important means of sustaining the domestic economy at the time, In the absence of her husband, she established her family in the social upheaval of the nineteenth century, and took her place as a master of a family, not just a family name.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.187-223
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• 2012

This study is planned to research the ways and structue of Okdong's thinking, which are the foundation of his academic world, based on the collection of his literary pieces. This study became interested in Okdong Lee Seo because he with some strong stimulation and shock is considered as the turning point of his family's academic tradition. His family's academic tradition before Okdong had been famous for literatures of its members, such a tradition shifted toward Confucian classical studies. Especially, Okdong was the third elder brother of Seongho Lee Yik who represented the academia of the late Joseon period, and took an important role in forming Seongho's study. Okdong is considered to have built the basic structure of Seongho's study. It seems that in the process he transmitted their family's academic tradition whose focus got shifted from literature to Confucian classical studies. Thus, this study has the basic meaning as elucidation about the fundamental of Okdong's academic world. However, the larger meaning of this study is the verification of the fundamental structure of Seongho's study: Seongho's study stood on Okdong's study but overcame Okdong as an individual, and then became a academic standard of the late Joseon period. When the collection of Okdong's literary pieces is examined, it can be found that Okdong way of thinking rooted in the Confucian theory that human nature is originally good. Especially, Okdong maintained the li-qi dualism in which li and qi conflict against each other. For understanding and elucidating not-completely-good human mind, he understood li and qi within conflicting relationship. Okdong claimed that in order for a man to keep his life humane, the man should recover his moral completeness by cultivating his mind through sincerity and reverence. Okdong's goal was to build society and to realize human nature in accordance with the classical Confucian ideology of filial piety and respect and of loyalty and trust. Here lies the fundamental meaning of Okdong's way of thinking.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.539-570
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• 2017

This article is for considering and looking through the meaning of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) Hiku-ka of Kobayashi Issa before reviewing and adapting Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Issa wrote his works by using Hyanghwa-Gucheop in 1803, and he had adopted it as his creative works of Hikai absorbing Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) for about half a year. There has been no national study about this so far, and this study covered the aspects of Issa's adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Japan and China. There have been several problems that the contents were limited to Guo-feng and there were no agreement of terminology as well among researchers. To overcome these limitations, therefore, this article aimed at all the works, rejected the view point as just a translation, and denominated this study as Haiku-ka. Above all, this study looked though Issa's Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) by splitting the aspects of Haiku-ka into borrowing topics and materials. In borrowing topics, the works with the topics of homesick and nostalgic parents stood out. Furthermore, annotations and understandings of Issa's original works were deeply involved. In borrowing materials, the original meanings in the works were transformed and changed or even reinterpreted by their own way. Eliminating sublime emotions, furious tone, and condemnation was main characteristic of Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). Besides, there were ways of exclusion of reasoning, deviating from the viewpoint of Sigyo(edification by poetry), not including moral senses. In other words, Issa used habits and impressions like the way of Haiku when he was doing Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). The meaning that Issa's Hiku-ka of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) stood out compared to adaptation of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Although Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Vietnam was transferred in the form of the poem in Vernacular, the meaning and contents were not changed. Moreover, the original works and characters in Joseon were not destroyed because Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) was not liberally translated but literally. However, Issa transferred the Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in the form of the poem in Vernacular to reveal the value of popular ballads. This was a different adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) from that in Eastern Asia.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.9-33
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• 2018

This paper examines the literary theory of Gollyun(昆侖) Choe, Changdae(崔昌大, 1669-1720). He has authored a variety of works, and his works have been recognized in many literatures. Because of this, studying his literature is a meaningful. The theory of poem creation is as follows. It is the basic poem creationism that expresses the feelings that I experienced and felt as it is. The utility is to multiply and control the artist's feelings through his poem. However, the creative theory of being the best writer is different from this. It must be premised on finding from the heart and studying various books. If these qualities was provided, the words are clear and the meaning is condensed. He distinguished between general works and the best works, and presented their own creative theory and discussed their utility. The theory of prose utility is as follows. He emphasizes the importance of communicating with contemporaries and establishing important things of the day and making them easier to understand, without specifying the morality. This is a thoroughly realistic utility theory. In the classical chinese prose's history, 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' were issues. He transcends the recognition of 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' as zero-sum. In addition, he gives priority to the meaning of the writer and emphasizes self-realization, which is in common with other political soron(少論) writers' theories. When creating prose, simplicity and bizarreness were issues. He emphasizes concise writing. However, it can be realized when a writer with high opinion is aware of the reason and raises the core. Through various sources, he has completely rejected Ming(明) dynasty's former and latter seven master(前後七子). However, he did not exclude their work unilaterally, and recognized the work of Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋). This is the same as his father Choiseokjung(崔錫鼎). He recognized Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋) equally, and sought a simplified and summarized style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.168-184
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• 2022

This paper examined the construction techniques of the earthen fortifications in the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom, which has been researched most frequently among the Three Kingdoms. The construction processes of the Earthen Fortifications were reviewed and dividing into 'selection of location and construction of the base', 'construction of the wall', and 'finish, extension and repair'. The results show that various techniques were mobilized for building these earthen fortifications. Techniques which were adequate for the topography were utilized for reinforcing the base, and several other techniques were used for constructing the wall. In particular, techniques for wall construction may be clearly divided into those of the fill(盛土) and panchuk(版築) techniques. The fill method has been assumed since the 2000s to have been more efficient than the panchuk technique. This method never uses the structure of the panchuk technique and is characterized by a complex soil layer line, an alternate fill, use of 'earth mound(土堤)'/'clay clod(土塊)', and junctions of oval fill units. The fill method allows us to understand active technological sharing and application among the embankment structures in the period of the Three Kingdoms. The panchuk technique is used to construct a wall using a stamped earthen structure. This technique is divided into types B1 and B2 according to the height, scale, and extension method of the structure. Type B1 precedes B2, which was introduced in the late Hanseong Period. Staring with the Pungnap Earthen Fortification in Seoul, the panchuk technique seems to have spread throughout South Korea. The techniques of the fill and panchuk techniques coexisted at the time when they appeared, but panchuk earthen fortifications gradually dominated. Both techniques have completely different methods for the soil layers, and they have opposite orders of construction. Accordingly, it is assumed that both have different technical systems. The construction techniques of the earthen fortifications began from the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom and were handed down and developed until the Woongjin-Sabi Periods. In the process, it seems that there existed active interactions with other nations. Recently, since studies of the earthen fortifications have been increasing mainly in the southern areas, it is expected that comparative analysis with neighboring countries will be done intensively.