In this study, the characteristics of Mongsimjae in Namwon-si, Jeollabuk-do have been researched focusing on the writings engraved in huge stones and rocks of pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and its formative languages in the garden has been interpreted as follows. Name of pavilion(堂號) Mongsimjae(夢心齋) includes a classical scholar's spirit, refusing to serve two kings and homecoming after resignation from a government office(歸去來) of Songam(松菴) Park Moonsu(朴門壽), an ancestor who has brought to the Juksan(竹山) Park's family again. A pavilion standing beside a lotus pond(蓮塘) built in the reception garden is a gardening facility symbolizing 'Yeondang(蓮堂)' Park Dongsik(朴東式) who built Mongsimjae. The bamboo hill connected to the backyard seems to be relevant to 'Juksan', the family clan of Mongsimjae's owner and this kinds of intention can be found in the bamboos in the outer garden naturally led to inside the garden through the flower beds. The purpose for the western arrangement of the main building and gate contrary to the 'chukjwamihyaug'(丑坐未向; a direction toward to the south-southwest) of the prospect of Sarangchae(guesthouse) is interpreted to naturally attract people's eyes to the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and to mitigate the sense of closure resulting from the huge stones located in the reception garden. Also the writing engraved in the three huge stones, 'Jonsimdae(存心臺)', implies that it is a place where was selected with heart by Juksan Park family who settled down in Homsil, Namwon after 'Haengchon(杏村) Park Jaryang(朴子良)' in Yiphyangjo(入鄕祖), Namwon and 'Jeongwa(靖窩)' is interpreted as a signature representing that it is the most comfortable house where Jeongwa Park Haechang(朴海昌: 1876~1933), the third owner of Mongsimjae, has lived. The pavilion standing beside a lotus pond of the 'Bangjibangdo(方池方島; square pond and square island)' type has no lotus for now and waterside cornerstones roughly piled with broken stones naturally mitigate the slope. There are two water inflows gathering rainwater in the reception garden other than the water inflow of valley and the upper-side water inflow was built using a high waterfall method. The middle island cut into a square was designed to use in two ways, as 'island' or 'steppingstone', according to the water level and the old name of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond was revealed as 'Cheonundam(天雲潭)' from the engraved writing located in the side of the middle island. In addition, 'Imni(臨履)', engraved writing in the finishing stone of waterside by citing a line of 'Sigyeong(詩經)', implies 'Be a upright classical scholar who pays close attention to one's own behaviors' and 'Jeongchuk(渟?)' is interpreted as a message that desires the eternal staying of the Juksan Park family's wealth. Ultimately, the writings engraved in the huge stones and rocks of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond are interpreted as a symbol language that wishes the heaven protects and maintains the wealth of the Juksan Park family who is the owner of Mongsimjae.
Burnt down during the Imjin War(壬辰倭亂) of 1592, Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) remained in ruins until 1865, when in the second year of King Gojong's(高宗) reign, reconstruction work began. At the time, a royal protocol(uigwe, 儀軌) for the reconstruction was not produced. Instead, the Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary(Gyeongbokgung yeonggeon ilgi, 景福宮營建日記) records the reconstruction process from June to September of 1865. The contents of this diary reveal that the stone used in the construction was obtained from Ganghwa(江華), the Yeongpung field(映楓亭) just beyond Dongdaemun, and Samcheongdong(三淸洞), among other sites. In addition, selected stone remaining from the original Gyeongbokgung Palace site - such as that from the palace astronomical observatory(ganuidae, 簡儀臺) - as reused, while a number of buildings and stonework from Gyeonghuigung Palace(慶熙宮) were moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace. As a result, a number of $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century stonework are currently located at Gyeongbokgung Palace. The Gyeongbokgung Palace Construction Diary contains a record indicating that the bronze dragon(靑銅龍) excavated from the lotus pond at the palace's Gyeonghoeru Pavilion(慶會樓) was created by special technician byeolganyeok(別看役) Kim Jae-su(金在洙) in 1865 for the symbolic purpose of protecting the palace from fire. The diary also reveals that among Kim Jae-su and the other special technicians(byeolganyeok) tasked with the installation and oversight of the palace stonework was Lee Se-ok(李世玉) - aid to have created the haechi statue at Gwanghwamun Gate. This indicates that there were men of court painter(hwawon, 畵員) background among the construction special technicians(byeolganyeok). Moreover, the diary records the names of the stoneworkers(seokjang, 石匠) who worked under these special technicians to actually carve the stonework. These included Jang Seong-bok(張聖福), who participated in the creation of the Geunjeongjeon Hall(勤政殿); and Kim Jin-myeong(金振明), who took part in the construction of Gwanghwamun Gate(光化門). Based on these results, it is possible to identify a number of special iconographic features of the scale-covered animal form(insuhyeong, 鱗獸形) auspicious animal statues at Gyeongbokgung Palace. These include a protruding mouth and large nose, formalized ears, and a mane along the back. Comparing these iconographic features with those found in the stonework of Joseon tombs makes it clear that these palace statues were created in the latter half of the $19^{th}$ century - the period corresponding to Gojong's palace reconstruction. This study was able to confirm that this iconography was taken up by the Gyeongbokgung Palace construction special technicians(byeolganyeok) and stoneworkers(seokjang) as they worked on tomb stonework earlier in their careers.
This paper deals with a review of the structure and production techniques of the Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha statue enshrined in Geungnakjeon Hall of Simhyangsa Temple, located in Daeho-dong, Naju-si, Jeollanam-do, Korea. To achieve this goal, X-ray date and two rounds of field research were performed. The data collected were reviewed, and a sample peeled off from the damaged part was analyzed to investigate the structure and material of the background layer. The results revealed that the Simhyangsa Temple Buddha statue was an almost empty Dried-lacquer(Hyeopjeo) Buddha statue where wood core had not been framed and inserted in the statue. It was thus observed that considering that the clothes wrinkles clearly remained, the same one as the irregularity of the outer clothes wrinkles, the Dried-lacquer layer was lifted made in an almost complete shape in the process of forming the clay figure as the origin form. The statue was found to be diagonally incised from the top of the head to the back of the neck to remove the clay and wood core. But in other sites, no incision was confirmed. It was observed that on the site of the head where the incision was made, an adhesives(lacquer or paste) was used. In addition, the black eyes were impacted with beads and the ears, hands, bands, and knots were made of wood. These features are identically shown in the Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha statue from Seonguksa Temple, known as a work of the late Goryeo dynasty; the Seated Dried-lacquer Buddha statue in Okura Museum of Art in Tokyo, Japan; the Seated Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha statue from Jungnimsa Temple, know as a work of the early Joseon dynasty; and the Seated Vairocana Buddha statue in Bulhoesa Temple, the Seated Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha and the Seated Dried-lacquer Buddha statue from Silsangsa Temple. The analysis of the back layer demonstrated that the ground layer and the red lacquer were the production of the time. In particular, the bone ash used for the ground layer was also coated for the ground layer of Buddha statues as well as for the production of the lacquerware during the Goryeo dynasty. It was also found that gold mending was conducted more than twice even in modern times and that the layer of the production time was well preserved despite gold mending several times.
The tortoise pedestal for the memorial monument of Choe Jin-rip(an army officer in the mid-Joseon Period) in Ijo-ri, Naenam-myeon, Gyeongju is known to have been made in 1740. As such, it was originally understood to be a Joseon imitation of a tortoise pedestal made in the Unified Silla Period. The style of the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal differs from other tortoise pedestals dating back to the same period, and bears no resemblance to the Unified Silla pedestals of which it is a copy. Mullu ilgi, a record of the production of the pedestal, explains that the monument was made before the pedestal. Traces show that the two sides of the bottom of the monument were cut off so that it would fit into the smaller space made on the pedestal. It is scarcely conceivable that they made the pedestal and the platform without considering the bottom size of the monument. The record only states that the monument was made at a temple site named Baegundae, without explaining the details of the production process. This leaves some doubt as to whether its production was undertaken systematically. The cloud patterns engraved on this pedestal look similar to the temporal seriation found on the Tortoise Pedestal of the Royal Tomb of King Muyeol and the Seoangni Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju. The lotus pattern decorating the square pedestal on the back of the tortoise is one of a number of patterns that were widely used on roof-tiles in the 8th century, the heyday of the Unified Silla Kingdom. The Ijori Tortoise Pedestal, which represents a tortoise moving forward, displays a liveliness the like of which is rarely found in its cousins remaining in Gyeongju. The layout of the patterns in a queue on the tortoise-shell looks much better schematized than those made at an earlier date. It also looks like a more developed form, with the use of space taken into account. Such factors as the style of the patterns, the incongruity between the monument and its pedestal, and what is stated in the historical record indicate that the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju was made in the mid-8th century(i.e. during the Unified Silla Period), rather than in the Joseon Period(i.e. the 18th century), as an imitation of earlier ones, including changes in the style unique to the Silla Period.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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v.29
no.3
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pp.22-32
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2011
This study explored the architectural nature, the thought reflected in the place and the 'meaning-landscape' characteristic of a place, to where a retired scholar had lived. The object of the study is the Maechun-Byulup Toesu-jeong wonlim, which consists of a summer house and a garden forest. The results of the study are as following. Toesu-jeong wonlim is located at Daejeong-ri, Sannae-myeon, Namwon-si. It had been built by Maechun Park Chi-Gi in 1870 for his residence after retirement. It is a villa type pavilion and a garden forest which have Banseondaegi(伴仙臺記), Banseondae-10-yeong, Toesu-jeong(退修亭) Sangryangmun, a writing dedicated when putting up the ridge beam of a wooden house), Toesu-jeong Wonwun Byeongsoseo, hanging boards and tablets with poems written on them. In the Toesu-jeong wonlim, there are various 'meaning-landscapes' such as the Maechun-Byulup, Banseondae, Yabakdam and Simjinam together with engraved calligraphy related to the landscaping culture. It is also possible to find the remains of beautiful engraving on the stones and woods at Goksoo Yoogeo(曲水流渠) that suggest the banquets they had while discussing the elegant tastes and appreciating the landscape. The Toesu-jeong wonlim consists of the Toesu-jeong area(a pavilion), the Gwanseon-jae area(a shrine) area and the Gyejeong area(a garden with a brook) area. The pedantic 'meaning-landscape' elements, as the residence of retired scholar who spent his remaining life with elegant tastes, and the expertise of Maechun Park Chi-Gi, as a landscaping architect who built a villa and a garden forest in the motif of a Taoist hermit, can be extracted through the Banseondae-10yeong. The Banseondae-10yeong is the first Toesu-jeong poem and consisting of the Samseon-dae, Sejin-dae, Samcheong-dam, Yabak-dam, Samseo, Takgeum-dam, flat stones, caves, stone sculptures and harvest. The existing vegetation and plants in the Toesu-jeong wonlim are; natural pine forest in the rear garden, zelkova trees, wild cherry trees, apricot trees and pine trees bent to the waterfront direction. Except some ornament-species and shielding-species such as the poplars, most of current trees and vegetation keep the shape of the original Toesu-jeong wonlim landscape.
Tasan Chong Yak-yong has criticized Zhu Xi's metaphysical viewpoints of human being. Therefore he revealed his viewpoint of human being and the theory of moral practice through his thoughts about the Lord of Heaven and human nature with spiritual inclination toward goodness. He has drawn the Lord of Heaven into Confucianism again. Heaven as the Lord endows human being with a nature that enjoys virtues and detests vices. It watches human being's good and evil. Here we can say Heaven is a outer efficient cause of moral behavior. According to Tasan, human being has its own 'self directed weight'自主之權 so that he can make a judgment and decision about what to do. Therefore we have to do manifest this moral inclination which is a inner efficient cause of moral behavior. That is to say, we must follow the order of daoxin道心 inside our mind. If we did go against it, our mind would be uncomfortable. Now through the method of so-called shu恕 we need to put filial piety孝 fraternal respect弟 compassion慈 into practice. These three moral practices represent the spirit of reciprocity in Confucianism. These lead us to make an achievement of ren仁, representative virtue in the theory of moral practice. Our moral practice means the fulfillment of humanity. This is the way to serve Heaven. Tasan insists that theses are the core thoughts of Confucius and Mencius.
Earthenware horn cups with horse head decorations were excavated from Tomb No. 7 of Bokcheon-dong, Dongraegu, Busan Metropolitan City. Made of earth in the shape of a horn, these cups are considered to have been used to drink alcohol or beverage. Large numbers of earthenware horn cups of various shapes were excavated from tombs located in the old territories of Silla and Gaya. A pair of earthenware horn cups were excavated from Tomb No. 7, and the two cups are almost identical in overall shapes and manufacturing techniques despite different sizes. Conservation treatment was carried out for the bigger one of the two horn cups this time. There are two cracks toward the horse head decorations around the mouth with missing parts observed. The chest of the horse touches the ground with one side decorating the horse head and the other side facing the conical mouth of the horn cup. It is in the U shape, striking a balance based on two legs attached behind. The surface of the horn cup was made with a potter's wheel, and the connection to the horse head has traces of cutting and trimming. The horse head is expressed realistically with its features including the ears, eyes, nose, and mouth well apprehended and its color is grey This study intended to investigate manufacturing techniques of the artifact by examining its internal structure through the condition survey in a non-destructive way. CT imaging was used to figure out its manufacturing techniques and to diagnose its condition, and accordingly the scientific conservation treatment was conducted to stabilize the artifact. The precise diagnosis on conservation condition found that there are two chips in the spout with their cracks extended. One of the chips is connected with separation added to the crack. The material which has been used for connection in the past was collected for the infrared spectroscopic analysis, which was identified to be nitrocellulose resin for the connection. Therefore, this conservation treatment focused on removing the old material and preventing the spread of cracks. Before conservation treatment, the condition survey and scientific examination for the artifact were carried out to secure data about the earthenware horn cup with horse head decorations(Treasure). Based on them, effective plans for its conservation treatment was sought for and then existing adhesive was safely removed, and restoration material was selected to take into account its reversibility. In addition, the conservation treatment according to optimal methodologies was conducted through the consultation meeting with experts.
Jung, Sang Woo;Kim, Yoon-Ho;Lee, Jae-Ha;Kim, Dong-Gun;Kim, Min-Kyung;Kim, Hyun-Mac
Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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v.36
no.2
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pp.150-164
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2022
The objective of this study is to analyze the biodiversity changes and characteristics of the benthic macroinvertebrate community in the Nakdong River with eight weirs, which was constructed as one of the Four Major River Restoration Projects from May to October 2020. The study also includes the analysis of changes in the major groups of benthic macroinvertebrates for about ten years, from 2010 to 2020. The surveys collected 97 species of benthic macroinvertebrates belonging to 83 genera, 52 families, 18 orders, five classes, three phyla, and 128.1 individuals/m2. Chironomidae sp. and Tubificidae spp., which are pollutant indicators, dominated throughout the sections. The community analysis result shows the average dominant index and the diversity index of 0.62±0.20 and 1.87±0.63, respectively, and indicated the most stability of the freshwater ecosystem in the upper stream of the Nakdong River. The survey showed dominance by Chironomidae sp. at the center of the Nakdong River weir and the most unstable community in Chilgok and Gangjeong Goryeong weirs. The results of the community stability analysis showed a high distribution of the characteristic group I with high resilience and resistance and small distribution of characteristic group III with low resistance and resilience, indicating a very unstable condition of communities in the Nakdong River weir section. Predators were relatively abundant among the functional feeding groups (FFGs), whereas shredders, gathering-collectors, and filtering-collectors were relatively lower. Among the habitat orientation groups (HOGs), burrowers and climbers were dominant, indicating a wide distribution of groups in ecosystems with low dissolved oxygen. An endangered species level II of Macromia daimoji was found in Sangju and Nakdan weirs. The analysis results for 10 years from 2010 showed that the number of species and populations increased immediately after the dam construction but plummeted in 2016 and are now stabilizing. Chironomidae spp. has been dominant in all sections over the past 10 years, and they are currently maintained at a rate of about 50%. The EPT groups have decreased significantly since 2011, and the Plecoptera and Trichoptera of the group have not yet been restored. The population of Tubificidae spp. showed an increase after construction was completed in 2012 and drastically increased in 2015 and 2020. The species of Cristaria plicata, designated as endangered species level I, has not been observed since 2011 in Hapcheon Changnyeong weir. Moreover, Macromia daimoji was rarely observed in seven weirs until 2015, and it has been confirmed that the current distribution habitat has decreased rapidly.
Character education begins with a clear definition of character. There are claims that humanity is reducible to human nature or personality, but when approached from an educational perspective, human nature soon boils down to the question of its ultimate goodness or wickedness. There is a significant difference between the educational systems that emerge from the standpoint that human nature is evil versus the standpoint that human nature is good. With regards to educational outcomes, this can be observed both in terms of human nature and personality. Modern education today sees education as leading the immature to a mature state from the standpoint that human nature is evil. But if human nature is evil, how could we implement an education that would render it good? If character education becomes a system of etiquette education or one of instilling manners whereby simple wrong cases are righted, it would be nothing but a follow-up to the wrong educational cases that had been carried out previously. In that sense, character education is correction; not education. Education should be done in a way that realizes and understands the perfect self rather than unfolding as a process of constantly correcting and reinforcing immature human beings. In that sense, this paper posits that enabling students to understand their own emotions would serve as a correct form of character education. This would be a system of focusing on emotions that reveal the goodness of human nature. Personality can be educated, but education at this time should be a way to bring out a student's already good and even perfected nature. This is more realistic than replacing a 'faulty' character with a good character which supposedly did not exist previously. If personality education morphs into 'emotional self-understanding,' contemplations on 'why not to do' unsavory acts rather than mere negative commands 'don't do that,' and listening to what one's emotions intuit prior to and after given actions, then that would arise to the true standard of a good education.
In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.
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