• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.239-264
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• 2002

The networking between the press and elites, and its impact on journalistic activities in fact have been major subjects of scholarly scrutiny particularly among students of elite theory and class theory. This is an empirical analysis of how the press establishes networks with several powers in local community. This study basically examines a set of independent variables, such as the nature of capital and history of local newspapers and explores how the management and elites in the press utilize several social resources and establish networks. Major findings of this study are as follows: To begin with, the networking between local newspapers and elites showes significant differences according to the nature of capital and history of the newspaper. In other words, while the newspapers operated by stock capital revealed high degree of networking with political and financial elites, the newspapers operated by family capital did not demonstrate significant level of networking with particular elites. The shorter the history of newspaper is, the more she tends to be dependent on resources, and feel it imperative to establish strong networks with elites.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.5 no.2 s.10
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• pp.69-95
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• 2005

Eunsa Memorial Science Museum is a political space to justify ruling colony. Japanese imperialism made use of science museum in ruling colony under the cloak of propagating science thoughts. The science museums made it natural to rule the inferior Joseon(Korea) by bring the concept of 'Great Science Empire' into relief. The exhibition, lecture, experiment and science movies propagated those colonial ruling ideology. This transplantation of the colonial science museumraised the following problems. First, the science museum was used as means for the propagation of political power. All the aspects of the architecture, exhibition, and operation of the colonial science museum propagated and supported the direction of political authority, and furthermore planted a rosy phantasm of 'Development' and 'Progression' into the colony. Second, The science technology of science museum was treated as 'Result' and 'Instrument'. Japanese imperialism denied that the science is a historical and cultural staple product; it instilled only the 'Instrumental Rationality' in the colony. Third, the science technology dealt in the colonial science museum was below the level. What they educated and set forth as domestic science was to cultivate the laborers people for the political power by internalizing modernistic discipline.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2009

This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.29
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• pp.134-167
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• 2016

This paper aims at exploring the characteristics and meanings of religious freedom controversy surrounding religious education, with special reference to proselytism, in protestant mission school in recent Korea. Most of protestant mission schools have been providing students compulsory religion class and chapel service in the name of religious education. According to the school authorities, religious education should be provided for the realization of founding philosophy, and they say that mission school has the right to religious education. On the contrary, many non-christian students argue that their religious liberty is seriously violated by required religious education especially compulsory chapel worship. So serious conflicts broke between mission school authorities and students. Supreme Court decided that Soongsil University has the right to maintain compulsory chapel service, ruling that Daegwang High School should not maintain required chapel worship. It seems that Supreme Court gave different decisions to high school and university respectively, considering the differences between high school and university in application for admission to a school, students' critical consciousness, school's autonomous rights, etc. However, these precedents are being challenged by many peoples and groups. There are three agents which are involved in religious freedom controversy in mission school. The first are mission school authorities supported by religious groups, the second government supported by political parties, and the third mission school students guided by NGO. Among them protestant groups are playing the major role in making religious freedom problems in mission school. Protestant groups try to convert mission school students to protestantism by compulsory chapel service and religion class. Such a protestant proselytism becomes a cause of oppressing students' human rights and religious liberty. In this situation government has a responsibility to protect the students' rights to religious freedom. But government seldom impose sanctions on the protestant mission schools' compulsory programs. The reason why government does not restrict mission school's unlawful religious education is because protestant groups have strong influence in voting. Eventually civil movements organizations involved in religious freedom controversy for the sake of students's human rights. In conclusion, the assailment is protestant proselytism, the accessory is government, the victim is students in the religious education in mission school in recent Korea.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.191-201
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• 2023

The provision of onboard Internet services is recognized as one of the measures to enhance the appeal of seafarers and improve seafarer welfare. This study aims to investigate the influence of seafarers' leisure activities using the Internet on shipboard culture. Shipboard culture was examined using Hofstede's cultural dimensions theory. An empirical analysis was conducted on crewmembers regarding their Internet-based leisure activities and the shipboard culture. As a result, it was observed that sociability activities through the Internet while onboard significantly influenced power distance, uncertainty avoidance, and long-term orientation. The investigation of shipboard culture revealed uncertainty avoidance, masculinity, and long-term orientation, along with low power distance and individualism cultures. In addition, an analysis of shipboard culture according to seafarers' characteristics showed significant differences in certain shipboard cultures based on seafarers' attributes.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.433-461
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• 2011

This study investigated changes and determinants of public pension generosity and pension spending in welfare states during the last retrenchment period. Path-dependency thesis, industrialization theory and power resources model were examined with the twelve welfare states from 1980 to 2007. The main results are as follows. First, the developments of benefit generosity and pension spending have been differently presented according to pension structure. Second, the cross-national pooled-time series analysis confirmed that pension structure is the most significant factors to determine the level of benefit generosity and pension spending. Third, the positive effect of population ageing on pension spendings were proved even without any changes of pension generosity. New social risks, however, have restrained the pension spending. Fourth, the power of the left party and labor union did not affect the pension policy, which implies that power resources theory cannot explain the development of pension policy in this retrenchment period.

• 한국HCI학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2009.02a
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• pp.1225-1232
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• 2009

최근 HCI 분야에서는 사용자들이 가지고 있는 문화적 성향이 사용자 경험에 미치는 영향에 대한 다양한 연구들이 이루어져 왔다. 이는 사용자들이 가지고 있는 문화적 성향이 어떠한 기기나 시스템을 이해하고 해석하는 방식에 영향을 미치는 지각적 렌즈(Perceptual Lens)로서 작용하기 때문이다. 이와 같은 사용자들이 가지고 있는 문화적 성향의 중요성에도 불구하고 기존 HCI 분야의 연구들은 국가와 문화를 동일시하면서 국가 수준에서 문화의 중요성만을 강조하고 있다. 그러나 어떠한 기기나 시스템의 사용은 개인 수준에서의 행동이기 때문에 국가와 문화를 동일시 하는 것은 개인 수준의 행동을 설명하지 못한다는 한계가 있다. 이는 문화적 성향이 한 국가 내에서도 개인에 따라 다양한 양상을 나타낼 수 있으며, 더 나아가 한 개인 안에서도 대상이나 정황에 따라 다른 양상을 나타낼 수 있기 때문이다. 본 연구는 사용자들이 가지고 있는 문화적 성향에 있어 국가 간 차이가 존재할 뿐만 아니라, 기기 간에도 차이가 존재함을 밝히는 것을 기본 목적으로 한다. 이와 같은 목적을 위하여 본 연구에서는 Hofstede[1980]가 제시한 네 가지 문화적 차원(불확실성 회피 성향, 개인주의 성향, 남성성 성향, 권력 거리 성향)을 중심으로 각 차원에 있어 나타나는 국가 간 그리고 기기 간 사용자들의 문화적 성향의 차이를 3 개 국(미국, 독일, 러시아)에서 4 개 디지털 기기(핸드폰, MP3 플레이어, LCD TV, 냉장고) 사용자들을 대상으로 한 대규모 설문을 기반으로 검증하였다.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.12
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• pp.23-36
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• 2014

This paper analyzes the effects of national culture on an individual's ethical decision-making in the context of the Internet. An ethical decision-making model which posits that five moral philosophy variables-justice, relativism, egoism, utilitarianism, and deontology-affect ethical judgment; ethical judgment, in turn, affects behavioral intention was proposed and Hofstede's five cultural dimensions of power distance, individualism, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance, and long-term orientation were used to analyze the effects of national culture on the model. The results showed that power distance, individualism, and masculinity had significant effects on the relationship between the deontology variable and ethical judgment, individualism, masculinity, and uncertainty avoidance had significant effects on the relationship between the justice variable and ethical judgment, and individualism and long-term orientation had significant effects on the relationship between ethical judgment and behavioral intention in the Internet context.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.69
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• pp.71-110
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• 2015

Beyond the technological behaviorism-oriented notion of prosumers, the current study explores the question of digital creative labour of the youth in the interrelated context of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal ethos of selfhood. This analysis is situated particularly in the social conflicts and struggles in Korea, where the problems related to the precarization of the younger generation have been increasingly aggravated (in the realm of embodied reality) whereas their digital activities have been highly expressive (in the realm of mediated reality). The contradictions embedded in the question of the labour of the youth are delineated in the respect of the subjectivities of young free labour, or 'digital creative labour' in proposed terms: the precarious young free labour in Korea is the compound of social fragmentation, economic polarization, expansion of cognitive and emotion labour, boom of hedonistic consumerism, economic-cultural celebration of creativity and self-entrepreneurship, technological saturation of digital media, subjective/collective affects around excitement and ambition but also of anxiety and fear. The ambivalence and complexity of the young free labour is converged at the emergence of homo-economicus (Michel Foucault) through the subjectivation of the social (con)fusion of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal governmentality of selfhood.