• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2012.10a
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• pp.214-218
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• 2012

China has definitely been arising as the world's most powerful nation. By looking at general national power it seems that China's national prestige in 2011 is already way beyond Asia and even it closely catches up with the United States which is the most powerful nation over the world. The United states-centered world political order has begun to struggle by China's growth. Moreover, there has been an earnest competition arisen for the east-Asia sea supremacy between previous U.S. hegemony and arising China's power. East-Asia's ocean is the stage for this strife and it grows more serious. At this point, South Korea, one of the east-Asia country seeking the nation's stability and prosperity through its ocean, has come under the influence of this strife among the super powers of the world. The Author will closely examine the backgrounds and future opportunities of military competition between U.S. and China to analyze the influence of the power competition towards the security status of east-Asia especially South Korea.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.15
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• pp.1-30
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• 2018

This study focused on how to supplement and develop military spiritual education in response to promotion of peace and prosperity and Change of Security Environment on the Korean Peninsula. In order to succeed in the peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula policy, Strengthening the military spiritual education is necessary. This study was analyzed through the survey and the results are as follows: First, the awareness level of military spiritual education is more than 68%. Second, the satisfaction level of education has been quit motivated, but, the respondents demands various methods of eduction. Third, the current mental power scores showed no significant difference for environmental change. In addition, based on the results of the research, the problem of military spiritual education is as follows. It is not enough to secure the identity that can firmly support the era of peace and prosperity on the Korean peninsula. Poor budget support might hinder improving poor education facilities and outdated equipment. Furthermore, there is a lack of research on future-oriented educational system in support of traditional education methods of repetition-type repeated education and unification. Therefore, we deducted the following development strategies for the military spiritual education in this paper. First, it is necessary to strengthen the military spiritual education to support the era of peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula. Second, for enhancing educational environments, the educational facilities and equipments should be improved by understanding the characteristics of the education target. Third, the integrated management of military research institutes specialized in military spiritual education should be pursued as a system development for ensuring the continuous effect of education. In conclusion, continuous attention and research are needed to establish national perspective and national security perspective, raise the military spirit and utilize various education development programs in order to develop efficient military spiritual education in the future.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.7 s.125
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• pp.56-65
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• 1989

1990년도에 미국은 이 지역에 대한 FMS자금으로 2억5천30만불, 국제 군사교육.훈련비(IMET)로서 1천60만불을 요청하였다. 요청액은 1989년보다는 명목상 1억2천만불이 많다. 그러나 이 증액분중 7천5백만불은 최근 종결된 협정에 따른 필리핀의 군사기지 추가원조액이다. 따라서 기타의 소요에 대응할수 있는 몫은 불과 2천7백30만불에 지나지 않는다. 이것은 태평양국가로서 위치하려는 미국의 결의나 능력이 감퇴하고 있다는 지역내의 고조되는 인식을 시정하기 위한 최저한도의 것이다

• Defense and Technology
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• no.12 s.130
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• pp.34-45
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• 1989

미국경제 재건에는 생산, 기술기반의 경쟁력 강화가 기본적인 필수요건이며, 특히 국가안보로 이어지는 방위산업기반의 쇠퇴를 방지하고, 건전화를 도모하는 것이 긴급한 문제로 인식하게 되었다. 1980년 2월에 미국 하원 군사위원회의 방위산업 소위원회에 의해 보고된 "병으로 앓는 미국 방위산업" 및 1980년에서 1981년에 걸친 미국 의회의 예산위원회나 군사위원회에서 행한 몇가지 의회증언 보고에서 미국의 방위산업 쇠퇴 상황 및 문제점이 지적되고 있다

• Defense and Technology
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• no.6 s.136
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• pp.42-51
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• 1990

오늘날 싱가폴군은 5만5천여명의 현역군을 보유하고 있고, 이중 3만4천 8백명은 징집병이다. 이와함께 18만3천명의 훈련된 예비병력과 3만명의 국민방위군을 소집할수 있다. 싱가폴은 스스로의 군사력이 안전보장을 확고히 하는데 충분하지 않으므로, "총력방위"라는 개념을 개발하였다. 총력방위는 다섯가지 면을 가지고 있다. 즉 심리적, 사회적, 경제적, 민방위 및 군사적 방위이다. 싱가폴은 이러한 총력방위를 통한 억지력과 외교의 결합이 싱가폴 안보를 보장하는 가장 좋은 비결이라고 믿고 있다

• Defense and Technology
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• no.6 s.292
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• pp.18-27
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• 2003

우리의 군사기술 개발여건은 선진국에 비해 매우 미흡한 실저응로 국방비 대비 연구개발 투자비는 3-4% 수준으로 이는 선진국의 20-30%에 불과한 낮은 수준이다. 무기 성능의 차이, 특히 군사력의 마비와 와해를 가져왔음을 우리는 이번 이라크 전쟁에서 생생히 볼수 있었다. 현존 전투력을 유지하면서 미래지향적 군사력 건설으 위해서는 국방비가 최소한 GDP 대비 3-4% 수준은 반드시 배분돼야 하며, 점차 5%수준까지 확대되어야만 북한의 위협에 대비하면서 주변 잠재위협으로부터 우리를 지킬 수 있고 이에 부응하는 기술.정보군 건설이 가능하게 될 것이다.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.21 no.9
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• pp.1666-1673
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• 2017

Republic of Korea is divided into South Korea and North Korea, creating military conflicts and social conflicts. North Korea is conducting cyberattacks against South Korea and has hacked South Korea's defense network. In the world of cyberspace, the boundaries of the borders are becoming obscured, and cyberattacks and cyberterrorism for cyberwarfare operate with digital computing connected to points, time and space. Agenda and manual are needed for national cybersecurity. Also, it is necessary to study national cybersecurity laws and policies that can create and implement nationalcyber security policy. This paper investigates cyberterrorism situation in North and South Korean confrontation situation and damage to cyberwarfare in the world. We also study cybersecurity activities and cyberwarfare response agendas, manuals and new technologies at home and abroad. And propose national cybersecurity policy and propose policies so that '(tentative) The National Cybersecurity Law' is established. This study will be used as basic data of national cybersecurity law and policy.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.303-325
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• 2015

The latest slogan put forth by the international space community is the safety, security, and sustainability of outer space activities. The security of outer space activities, in particular, would be defined as the secure state from space-based threats. The latter comprises passive threats (such as collision with other satellites and space debris) and aggressive threats (such as electromagnetic interference, arms race on the earth or in outer space, and military attacks). Has outer space been used for military purposes in practice? If so, does international law regulate the military space activities it? The use of outer space for military purposes is referred to as space militarization and space weaponisation. Satellites has been used in Gulf War, Kosovo War, and Afghan War, recently, and research and development on space weapons are under way. Since only the placement of weapons of mass destruction on orbit around the earth is prohibited in accordance with 1967 Outer Space Treaty, it may be asked whether other weapons may be placed on orbit. It will be necessary to analyze the stance of on the above question, by studying UN space-related treaties including UN Charter. New international space norms represented by PPWT, ICoC, and UN GGE Report are at the center of progressive development of international law. In conclusion, the author will signpost the various points on international norms to be codified on the use of outer space for military purposes.

• Journal of the military operations research society of Korea
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.1-17
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• 1998

우리 군은 창군이래 최대 규모의‘국방개혁추진위원희’를 편성·운영 중에 있다. 차제에 이 글은 군 개혁의 참고모델로서‘이스라엘의 군대’를 제시하여 군 개혁과업을 추진하는데 다소라도 기여하고자 한다. 이스라엘은 지난 50년간‘자주국방’의 정신으로 군사력을 꾸준히 발전시켜서 오늘날 전세계에서 작지만 가장 당찬 정예화군·기술군·과학군을 창조했다. 한국도 지난 50년간‘자구국방’을 위해 부단히 노력한 끝에 이제 외형적으로는 세계 10위권의 큰 군대가 되었다. 그러나, 양국이 지난 50년간 노력하여 만들어 낸 현재의 최종 산출물, 즉 전력수준과 군사태세는 양국의 지닌 저마다의 불가피한 특수한 사정이 있었지만 결과만을 놓고 볼 때는 이스라엘 군이 우리 군보다 우월한 것으로 보여진다. 우리는 우리보다 훨씬 작은 이스라엘이 우리보다 비교 우위의 군사력과 군사태세를 보유하고 있는 이유를 찾아내야 한다. 왜냐하면 그 이유가 곧 우리 군을 개혁해 나가는 데 있어서 참고해야 될 주요 지표가 될 수 있기 때문이다. 이와 같은 관점에서 이 글은 이스라엘의 특수한 안보환경과 건국과정을 살펴본 다음, 이스라엘 군의 특징 및 우수성을 분석하고, 우리 군이 개혁과업을 추진해 나갈 경우 참고될 수 있는 몇 가지 시사점을 개념적 차원에서 제시하였다.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.209-218
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• 2024

Relations between North Korea and Russia have recently reached an inflection point in the wake of the Russia-Ukraine war, and are expected to have a significant military and geopolitical impact on the Korean Peninsula and the security environment in East Asia in the future. The 'Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement between North Korea and Russia' was signed on the occasion of Kim Jong-un's visit to Russia in September 2023 and Russian President Putin's visit to North Korea in June 2024. The security environment on the Korean Peninsula and in East Asia is anticipated to be significantly impacted by developmental changes in North Korea-Russia relations. As North Korea and Russia formed a paramilitary alliance, stipulating provisions that can be interpreted as automatic military intervention, North Korea's military support for the ongoing war in Ukraine was secured, and the basis for Russia's military intervention in future Korean Peninsula issues was laid. Additionally, the possibility of transferring Russian military technology to North Korea increased as an institutional mechanism was established to implement joint measures to strengthen the defense capabilities between the two countries. If Russia uses its position as a permanent member of the UN Security Council to neutralize international sanctions against North Korea and provide large-scale economic support, North Korea will break away from international isolation and strengthen its strategic autonomy. Therefore, this study examines the historical process of change in North Korea-Russia relations and examines the main contents and implications of the 'Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement' concluded after the North Korea-Russia summit in June 2024.